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04/01/2026

Iranians and Euromania as a Collective Pathology
A Critical Situation Analysis by Mostafa Ghahremani

 

Dr. Mostafa Ghahremani arrived in Germany after the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and studied medicine and dentistry in Frankfurt. He now works as a plastic and cosmetic surgeon in a private clinic. A social activist, he has closely followed political developments in Iran for many years. He is the author of a monograph on Sadegh Ghotbzadeh, a key but little-known figure in the Iranian revolution, who served briefly as foreign minister before being sentenced to death and executed in 1982.

 

The manner in which we Iranians encounter Western culture and civilization exhibits clearly morbid, indeed pathological traits. It is an encounter that is not based on critical and historical understanding, but on a form of fascination, passivity, and immediate, unfiltered acceptance. For this reason, I prefer — unlike the writer and cultural critic Jalal Al-e Ahmad, who termed this condition gharbzadegi (غرب‌زدگی) [Occidentosis, Westoxification, West-struckness] in the early 1960s — the term Euromania  (غرب‌شیفتگی gharbshiftegi). This term originates from the specialized literature of psychiatry and more precisely refers to an excessive attachment as well as a disturbance of judgment.


In my view, Euromania in Iranian society can be characterized by three central features:

  • an excessive bonding,
  • an uncritical admiration,
  • a quasi-compulsive state

that makes any epistemic distancing impossible.
More than two centuries have passed since our first encounters with the West, yet these encounters have never led to a deep understanding of the internal logic, the mechanisms of power, and the epistemological foundations of Western civilization. The West was not perceived as a historically multifaceted, contradictory totality, but predominantly as an ensemble of finished achievements, institutions, and consumable models. Within this framework, the internal connection between knowledge, power, institution, and subject in Western modernity, in particular, remained unnoticed. Consequently, our knowledge of the West largely exhausted itself in its manifestations and external functional mechanisms and remained blind to a historical analysis of the production of “truth,” “rationality,” and “normativity” within this civilization. The West appeared in our thinking more as a neutral, universal model than as a specific historical project that emerged in close intertwinement with relations of domination, disciplinary processes, and the reproduction of power.

Even significant contemporary Iranian intellectuals, as well as religious and secular reformist thinkers, were not spared from this epistemological limitation. Their mostly relatively short stays in the West, often without deep access to its philosophical, historical, and critical traditions, did not allow for a structural and fundamental understanding of Western modernity. Therefore, a significant part of their engagement with the West was based less on an immanent critique of the modern tradition and more on selective and partly idealized perceptions.

Unfortunately, due to the avant-garde role of these thinkers in the Iranian intellectual field, these interpretations themselves became a decisive factor in the spread of Euromania among the urban middle classes. These strata gradually began to regard the West no longer as an object of critical knowledge but as the ultimate standard for rationality, progress, and even virtue. The result of this attitude was the persistence of a condition in which Iranian society in political, economic, and cultural spheres remained exposed to a form of soft as well as hard Western hegemony.

This destructive dominance manifested itself on the one hand in the submission of state structures and in facilitating the exploitation of the country’s natural and economic resources; on the other hand, it led, through the recruitment and integration of Iranian intellectual and scientific elites into Western institutions — in the context of migration and brain drain — to the reproduction of epistemic inequality.

Furthermore, the enforcement of Western lifestyles and thought patterns as the only legitimate and rational mode of existence caused an alienation of the elites from their own social and historical contexts and reinforced a structural self-alienation.

The consequence of this process was the inability of the elites to provide effective answers to the real problems of society, as well as the repeated failure of reform, development, and emancipation projects; because these projects were mostly conceived based on a rationality and morality that did not emerge from the historical and cultural context of Iranian society.

From the perspective of the author — who has lived, studied, and worked at the highest professional levels in one of the most central Western societies for over four decades — the path to liberating Iran from its state of comprehensive dependency and hegemony today lies neither in a simplistic rejection of the West nor in its uncritical adoption, but in the conscious and critical overcoming of the phenomenon of Euromania.

In this context, the establishment and development of Western studies (Occidentalism) as a critical and historical discipline of knowledge — in tension and yet in correspondence with Orientalism — appears as an indispensable necessity. Such research on the West can reveal the philosophical and epistemological foundations as well as the internal mechanisms of modern civilization, its relationship to power, ethics, rationality, and tradition, and prevent the West from being reduced to a universal and alternative-free model. Properly conceived, this knowledge can contribute to regaining epistemic self-confidence, renewing collective self-certainty, and forming a critical-indigenous rationality.

Iran’s rise on the path to freedom, independence, strategic self-determination, and sustainable development will not be possible without overcoming this collective pathology of Euromania.