Affichage des articles dont le libellé est Palestine/Israel. Afficher tous les articles
Affichage des articles dont le libellé est Palestine/Israel. Afficher tous les articles

13/05/2024

MARIE VATON
This is the story of Malak, a Syrian heiress who fell in love with a charismatic Palestinian
Rima Hassan’s family story

Marie Vaton, L'Obs, 5/1/2024
Translated by Fausto Giudice, Tlaxcala

Marie Vaton is a French journalist and author, working for the weekly L'Obs since 2008. FB

From the series STORIES OF EXILE (3/4). In 1948, just after the creation of the State of Israel, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians set off into exile. Among them was Jamil, with his parents and four siblings. His life would soon be summed up in the Neirab refugee camp in Syria. His granddaughter Rima Hassan, founder of the Action Palestine France movement and candidate for La France Insoumise in the European elections on June 9, tells us all about it.

Malak and her granddaughter Rima, in the Neirab camp. PERSONAL ARCHIVE

In the camp, she was known as “The Aleppine”, and this was no compliment. Aleppo, however, was not far from Neirab. Barely thirteen kilometers separated the camp from the big Syrian city. But Malak didn't look like the others. With her long suit, light-colored coat and white silk veil that she tied into a turban over her head, the young woman stood out among the refugees. And with good reason: Malak was neither a refugee nor a Palestinian. Yet it was here, in these 15 overcrowded hectares and makeshift barracks, that she, the heiress of the Hananos, one of Syria's wealthiest families, had lived all her life. Banished, disinherited because she fell madly in love with Jamil, a handsome, charismatic 24-year-old Palestinian who worked on her father's farm.

The story is romantic. It recounts the strange and mad destiny of a family after the Nakba (“catastrophe” in Arabic), following the creation of Israel in 1948. It tells what exile produces in the way of thwarted trajectories and shaken destinies. It speaks of a Palestinian identity that has been battered by history. “My paternal great-grandparents, the Mobaraks, lived in Salfit, a large village in the mountains near Nablus, until the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948,” Jamil and Malak's 31-year-old granddaughter, Rima Hassan, tells L'Obs. The founder of the Observatoire des Camps de Réfugiés [The Observatory of refugee camps] and the Action Palestine France movement grew up in the Neirab camp in Syria until she was 10, like her parents before her. And like thousands of Palestinians “forced into exile” by Israeli soldiers during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.

On April 9, 1948, the massacre at Deir Yassin, an Arab village west of Jerusalem, stormed by Israeli paramilitary militias of the Irgun and the Lehi, marked the beginning of panic - and exodus - for the vast majority of Palestinians. Hundreds of thousands left their villages and headed into exile: Jamil was visiting the north of the country with his parents and four siblings. They were caught up in the turmoil. Like everyone else, they travelled on foot. Occasionally, a tractor pulled up and carried the family to the next village. At the Lebanese border, the refugees were transported to the major cities of Lebanon and Syria, Homs, Hama and finally Aleppo. The end of the journey for the Mobarak family.

In the Neirab refugee camp

On the way, they stop for a few months at a hostel in Kfar Takharim, run by a wealthy family of Arab intellectuals, the Hananos. The patriarch, Ibrahim, is no ordinary man. He is a national hero of Syrian independence, celebrated throughout the country since his death thirteen years ago. In his youth, the MP had played an active part in the Arab nationalist movement against the Ottomans, then against the French army occupying Syria.

One day, Jamil stops in front of the family's beautiful home. Suddenly, a young girl emerges and rushes into a cart parked out front. It's Malak. Their eyes meet. Jamil immediately decides that she will be his wife. The young heiress is won over too. She doesn't dream of a princess' destiny. Having already spurned several suitors, she has alienated part of her family. So who cares if marrying Jamil is a mismatch? For six months, she battles in court to have her union with the young refugee accepted. And it doesn't matter if her marriage costs her all her property and inheritance.

Malak Hanano, Rima Hassan's grandmother, and Jamil Hassan, her grandfather. PERSONAL ARCHIVE

To enable her young husband to set up his own business, she sold her jewelry and gave him a caterpillar tractor. The young couple settled in the village of Al Neirab, near Aleppo. They had 11 children and experienced a number of tragedies. Salwa, their eldest, was just 2 years old when she was found dead, smothered in silt on the riverbank, after having escaped her mother's vigilance for a few moments. A fourth baby lived only a few hours after birth. Nabiha, Rima Hassan's mother, arrived two years later, in 1958.

As the children grew up, the family moved to the Neirab refugee camp, a few kilometers from their village. It was here that a school was opened by UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East). In her Memoirs, Nabiha records her earliest memories as a little girl. She remembers the “big barracks” designed for soldiers during the French Mandate, in which “up to eight families” crammed together, separated by sheets stretched as partitions. Toilets? A hole dug in the ground. Her mother, Malak, is ashamed of her origins and hides them. Her suits, her pumps, her brand-name perfumes, her handbag and the good manners she tries to instill in her children don't go down well with the other refugees. The Aleppine is a middle-class woman lost in a lawless zone. Her husband, Jamil, clings to his dreams of emancipation. Every evening, he hammers home to his children: “For us to be able to return to Palestine, we need neither war nor arms, but education.”

In the camp, the question of return becomes a burning issue. The Palestinian identity is forged there, in the tents and misery, in the humiliation of the lost territories, and the inanity of United Nations Resolution 194 of December 11, 1948, which instituted a right of return for Palestinians - and which was never applied. It stipulates that “those who decide not to return must receive compensation for the loss of their property”. But the Palestinians received nothing. The Arab-Israeli war changed the situation, and Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion was not in favor of the return of the exiles: “It would not be an act of justice to repatriate the Arabs to Jaffa, but madness. Those who declared war on us must bear the consequences after suffering defeat.”

Neirab camp, Syria, 1950. PERSONAL ARCHIVE

In 1949, Lebanon closed its border with Israel. The following year, the “Absentees’ Property” law authorized the Israeli government to confiscate unoccupied Palestinian land, thus hindering any possibility of return. The Six-Day War in 1967 ended in a crushing Israeli victory, burying any dream of imminent return home.

Emigration to Saudi Arabia

Neirab is Syria's densest camp. As the years went by, the wooden barracks solidified, first in clay, then in cement. Neirab became permanent. The temporary became permanent, reflecting the hybrid status of refugees in the country. The Palestinian identity becomes one of exile. Accepted, tolerated, but above all a camp identity. Palestinians in Syria have the right to own a company or a business, but they have no access to citizenship. A child born in Syria to a Palestinian father, even if born in Syria, is considered a Palestinian, not a Syrian, national. In the 1970s, the oil boom in the Gulf countries gave Jamil a chance, and he emigrated to Saudi Arabia. His daughter Nabiha landed a job in the same country, teaching natural sciences and mathematics at a girls' school.

Nabiha as a student. PERSONAL ARCHIVE

The young woman, viscerally free and secular, arrives at Riyadh airport in skin-tight jeans, her hair loose and five volumes of Lenin's works in her backpack, unaware that veiling is compulsory in the kingdom and that the Communist author is banned. One day, a convoy of Cadillacs and Rolls-Royces circles the city and parks in front of the Mobarak home. A delegation of men, led by the mukhtar (the town mayor), knocked on the door. Jamil opens the door: it's a marriage proposal. They offer him 1 million ryals (around €240,000, USD 260,000) for his daughter's hand in marriage. Nabiha then hears loud voices and her father's firm “no”. “And why not?” asks the mukhtar. “I don't want to see my daughter dressed all her life in black, like a crow,” replies Jamil.

Every summer, Nabiha returns to the Neirab camp in Syria. One day, she met Ahmad, a friend of her brothers: “He was tall and elegant, with his beige pants, his impeccable white shirt and his black belt,” she wrote in her memoirs, written at the end of her life. He asked her to marry him. The young woman was 23 and let herself be tempted. “Are you sure, Nabiha? I've got a bad feeling about this” says her father. You're beautiful, you're free, you can find someone else.” This was Jamil's last piece of advice to his daughter. He died a few months later in a work accident in Riyadh.

In August 1982, Nabiha married Ahmad, in an atmosphere weighed down by the absence of her brothers, who had left to fight in Lebanon, where civil war had been raging for several months. Their marriage quickly fell apart. Ahmad was born and raised in the camp, like Nabiha. But he was not protected by the aristocratic ancestry of a Syrian mother. “My father grew up in poverty and violence,” says Rima Hassan.  “At the age of 5, he was shining shoes in Aleppo with his cobbler father.” Nabiha's return to the camp sealed the end of her freedom. At Ahmad's request, she stopped working at the UNRWA school where she was a teacher. She became pregnant, once, twice - twins -, three times, four times. And finally, in 1992, Rima was born. The sixth and last of a family that was beginning to crack.

Nabiha then wakes up: she knows all too well the fate of the little Palestinians who are born, live and die in the camp, endlessly reproducing the cycle of misery and resentment. She knows the cost of clinging to lost illusions. At home, she suffocates. Her husband prevents her from going out and forces her to wear the veil. Nabiha realizes she has to leave everything behind. She filed for divorce and applied for several visas: first to Canada, where one of her brothers had emigrated, then to France, where her sister lived.

Nabiha (right), with her daughter Rima in her arms and her sister on the left. PERSONAL ARCHIVE

Nabiha and Rima as a child. PERSONAL ARCHIVE

Finally, in 1995, she obtained a visa for France. In Niort, where she arrived, she worked tirelessly. By day, she gave Arabic lessons and worked as a hospital caregiver; by night, she worked in a restaurant as a cook. She spends her rare spare hours at the library learning French, a sine qua non for obtaining a permanent job. And above all, to bring her children, who had stayed in the camp with their father and Malak, their grandmother. It will take her six years to achieve this. And eight more to obtain French nationality: “My mother thought she would have to sing the Marseillaise at the ceremony. So, for days on end, she listened to it over and over, making us rehearse with her,” recalls Rima.

Rima's return to Syria

In 2005, Malak died of a stroke in the camp. Nabiha was heartbroken. In 2011, the Syrian civil war prevented her from returning to Neirab to visit her mother's grave. And her health was declining. Cancer had been eating away at her for years. “But even when she was ill, she never stopped working,” says Rima. Between her chemotherapy sessions, she obtained her baccalaureate, began studying history at university, and set up a Syrian-Lebanese restaurant. She remarried, divorced again. Then she wrote her Memoirs in a few days, on her hospital bed, in perfect French. Her diary ends thus: “I am satisfied with everything I have done in my life. I am so happy to have my children with me so often, to feel surrounded. I still have one wish: to regain enough energy to be able to return to Syria and see the rest of my family again. “

Her daughter, Rima, took charge. In May 2023, three years after her mother's death, she returned to Neirab. She found her father, whom she hadn't seen for twenty years. She recognized the old house where they used to live, “so little changed”. And then she went to visit the grave of her grandmother, her beloved Malak and her silk scarves. As fate would have it, “she was buried in one of the camp's five cemeteries, right next to my paternal grandfather's grave”. On her plaque, someone had engraved her title of nobility. Malak, the Aleppine, the bourgeois, the foreigner. Faithful to the destiny of the Palestinians, even in death.

Rima Hassan in May 2023, in the former house of the Neirab camp where she lived until she was 10. PERSONAL ARCHIVE

24/02/2024

RENÁN VEGA CANTOR
Éduquer après le génocide de Gaza

Le titre de ce texte paraphrase Éduquer après AuschwitzPDF, titre d’une conférence radiophonique donnée par le philosophe allemand Theodor Adorno en 1966 et publiée plus tard sous forme imprimée, dont les premières lignes se lisent comme suit : « Exiger qu’Auschwitz ne se reproduise plus jamais est l’exigence première de toute éducation. Elle précède tellement toutes les autres que je ne crois pas devoir ou pouvoir la justifier. Je ne peux pas comprendre qu’on s’en soit si peu soucié jusqu’à aujourd’hui. La justifier serait quelque peu monstrueux face à la monstruosité de ce qui s’est passé.  […] Discuter d’idéaux dans le domaine de l’éducation ne mène à rien face à cette exigence : plus jamais d’Auschwitz. Ce fut le type de barbarie contre laquelle se dresse toute éducation. »  Aujourd'hui, nous sommes confrontés à une répétition de la barbarie génocidaire de la part d’Israël contre le peuple palestinien. Dans cet essai, l'historien colombien esquisse ce que pourraient et devraient être les orientations des éducateur·trices critiques animé·es par une éthique humaniste.

Traduit par  Fausto Giudice, Tlaxcala

 

14/02/2024

Gazans Fled Their Homes.They Have Nowhere to Return to
‘It’s Mind-blowing’: 1.7 Million Palestinians Escaped Israel’s Bombardment of Gaza. Most of Their Homes Have Been Damaged or Destroyed


Satellites reveal the vast devastation across the Gaza Strip. The new reality that the Israel Defense Forces’ operations have created will affect the entire region for years. This is how it looks One of Israel’s most dramatic acts in the war, which erupted following Hamas’ terror attack, is the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Gazans from their homes and the destruction of large swaths of the Strip. Residents, military officials and journalists describe scenes of vast devastation. « It’s like after an atomic bomb, » one of them reported in Haaretz after visiting northern Gaza. An accurate estimation of the destruction is a challenging task due to the fog of war – and as the IDF restricts entry by journalists. But it’s possible to create a map of the destruction using satellite data, which shows that at least half of all the buildings in the enclave are likely to have been damaged or destroyed, according to American researchers. Most of the destruction is in the north, but bitter fighting is also underway in the south, as is seen in the satellite data. Some 1.7 million Gazans have fled their homes during the war, and most of them are now in the south, the United Nations says. Huge tent cities have been put up along the Egyptian border. A new humanitarian, security and diplomatic reality has emerged, and it will shape the region for years to come.

12/02/2024

GIDEON LEVY
Une incursion israélienne à Rafah, dans la bande de Gaza, entraînera une catastrophe humanitaire sans précédent

Gideon Levy, Haaretz, 11/2/2024
Traduit par  Fausto Giudice, Tlaxcala

Tout ce que nous pouvons faire maintenant, c’est demander, supplier, crier : « N’entrez pas dans Rafah ». Une incursion israélienne à Rafah sera une attaque contre le plus grand camp de personnes déplacées au monde. Elle entraînera l’armée israélienne dans des crimes de guerre d’une gravité que même elle n’a pas encore commis. Il est impossible d’envahir Rafah aujourd’hui sans commettre de crimes de guerre. Si les forces de défense israéliennes envahissent Rafah, la ville deviendra un charnier.

Environ 1,4 million de personnes déplacées se trouvent actuellement à Rafah, s’abritant parfois sous des sacs en plastique transformés en tentes. L’administration usaméricaine, gardienne supposée de la loi et de la conscience israéliennes, a conditionné l’invasion de Rafah à un plan israélien d’évacuation de la ville. Un tel plan n’existe pas et ne peut pas exister, même si Israël parvient à élaborer quelque chose.

Il est impossible de transporter un million de personnes totalement démunies, dont certaines ont déjà été déplacées deux ou trois fois, d’un lieu “sûr” à un autre, qui se transforment toujours en champs de bataille. Il est impossible de transporter des millions de personnes comme s’il s’agissait de veaux destinés à être expédiés. Même les veaux ne peuvent être transportés avec une telle cruauté.

Il n’y a pas non plus d’endroit où évacuer ces millions de personnes. Dans la bande de Gaza dévastée, il n’y a plus d’endroit où aller. Si les réfugiés de Rafah sont déplacés à Al-Mawasi, comme le propose Tsahal dans son plan humanitaire, Al-Mawasi deviendra le théâtre d’une catastrophe humanitaire sans précédent dans la bande de Gaza.

Yarden Michaeli et Avi Scharf rapportent que l’ensemble de la population de la bande de Gaza, soit 2,3 millions de personnes, est censée être évacuée dans une zone de 16 kilomètres carrés, soit environ la taille de l’aéroport international Ben-Gourion. Toute la bande de Gaza dans la zone de l’aéroport, imaginez un peu.

Amira Hass a calculé que si un million de personnes seulement se rendent à Al-Mawasi, la densité de population y sera de 62 500 personnes par kilomètre carré. Il n’y a rien à Al-Mawasi : pas d’infrastructure, pas d’eau, pas d’électricité, pas de maisons. Seulement du sable et encore du sable, pour absorber le sang, les eaux usées et les épidémies. Cette idée n’est pas seulement à glacer le sang, elle montre aussi le niveau de déshumanisation qu’Israël a atteint dans sa planification.

Le sang sera versé à Al-Mawasi, comme il l’a été récemment à Rafah, l’avant-dernier refuge offert par Israël. Le service de sécurité Shin Bet trouvera un cadre du Hamas qu’il faudra éliminer en larguant une bombe d’une tonne sur le nouveau camp de tentes. Vingt passants, pour la plupart des enfants, seront tués. Les correspondants militaires nous parleront, les yeux brillants, du merveilleux travail accompli par Tsahal pour liquider le haut commandement du Hamas. La victoire totale est proche, les Israéliens seront à nouveau rassasiés.

Mais malgré ce gavage, le public israélien doit se réveiller, et avec lui l’administration Biden. Il s’agit d’une situation d’urgence plus grave que n’importe quelle autre durant cette guerre. Les USAméricains doivent bloquer l’invasion de Rafah par des actes et non par des mots. Ils sont les seuls à pouvoir arrêter Israël.

Le secteur consciencieux du public israélien cherche des sources d’information autres que les stations de « gâteaux pour soldats » qui s’autoproclament chaînes d’information. Regardez les images de Rafah sur n’importe quelle chaîne étrangère - vous ne verrez rien en Israël - et vous comprendrez pourquoi on ne peut pas l’évacuer. Imaginez Al-Mawasi avec les deux millions de personnes déplacées, et vous comprendrez les crimes de guerre qui sévissent ici.


Samedi, le corps de Hind Rajab Hamada, âgée de six ans, a été retrouvé. La fillette était devenue célèbre dans le monde entier après les moments de terreur qu’elle et sa famille avaient vécus le 29 janvier face à un char israélien - moments qui avaient été enregistrés lors d’un appel téléphonique avec le Croissant-Rouge palestinien, jusqu’à ce que les cris de terreur de sa tante s’arrêtent. Sept membres de la famille ont été tués ; seule la petite Hind avait survécu, et son sort était resté mystérieux depuis lors.

Hind a été retrouvée morte dans la voiture brûlée de sa tante, dans une station-service de Khan Younès. Blessée, recouverte par les sept corps de ses proches, elle s’est vidée de son sang avant d’avoir pu s’extraire du véhicule. Hind et sa famille avaient répondu à l’appel « humanitaire » d’Israël à évacuer. Ceux qui veulent des milliers d’autres Hind devraient envahir Rafah, dont la population sera évacuée vers Al-Mawasi.



palestinianyouthmovement

07/02/2024

Hamas' Preliminary Response To a General Framework for a Comprehensive Agreement among the Parties

Here is the full text of the response to the Paris proposal that Hamas delivered to Qatari and Egyptian mediators earlier today Feb. 6, 2024, translated by Resistance News Network. The American and zionist sides received a copy of the 3-page-long response, including amendments to the “Framework Agreement” proposal, in addition to a special appendix of guarantees and demands aimed at stopping the aggression and addressing its affects.

Draft - Preliminary Response/ the Hamas Movement's Response To a General Framework for a Comprehensive Agreement among the Parties (between the "israeli" occupation, Hamas, and the Palestinian factions)

This agreement aims to stop the mutual military operations between the parties, achieve complete and lasting calm, exchange prisoners between the two sides, end the blockade on Gaza, reconstruction, return of residents and displaced persons to their homes, and provide shelter and relief requirements for all residents in all areas of the Gaza Strip, according to the following stages:

 First Stage (45 days):

This humanitarian stage aims at releasing all "israeli" detainees from among women and children (under the age of 19, not conscripted), the elderly, and the sick, in exchange for a specific number of Palestinian prisoners, in addition to intensifying humanitarian aid, redeployment of forces outside populated areas, allowing the commencement of reconstruction of hospitals, houses, and facilities in all areas of the Strip, and permitting the United Nations and its agencies to provide humanitarian services, and establishing housing camps for the population, as follows:

- A temporary cessation of military operations, cessation of aerial reconnaissance, and redeployment of "israeli" forces away from populated areas in the entire Gaza Strip, to be aligned with the dividing line, enabling the parties to complete the exchange of detainees and prisoners.

- The two parties will release "israeli" detainees from among women and children (under the age of 19, not conscripted), the elderly, and the sick, in exchange for a number of Palestinian prisoners, ensuring the release of all individuals whose names are pre-agreed upon during this stage.

- Intensification of the entry of necessary and sufficient quantities for the population's needs (to be determined) of humanitarian aid and fuel daily, allowing appropriate quantities of humanitarian aid to reach all areas in the Gaza Strip including the north of the Strip, and the return of displaced persons to their residences in all areas of the Strip.

- Reconstruction of hospitals across the Strip and introducing what necessary for establishing population camps/tents for sheltering the population, and resumption of all humanitarian services provided to the population by the United Nations and its agencies.

- Beginning of (indirect) negotiations regarding the requirements necessary for restoring complete calm.

- The attached appendix with details of the first stage is an integral part of this agreement, with the agreement on details of the second and third stages during the implementation of the first stage.

Second Stage (45 days):

The completion of (indirect) negotiations regarding the requirements necessary for the continued cessation of mutual military operations and return to a state of complete calm must be announced before implementing the second stage.

This stage aims to release all detained men (civilians and conscripts), in exchange for specific numbers of Palestinian prisoners, continuation of humanitarian measures from the first stage, withdrawal of "israeli" forces outside the borders of all Gaza Strip areas, and commencement of comprehensive reconstruction of houses, facilities, and infrastructure destroyed in all areas of the Gaza Strip, according to specific mechanisms that ensure implementation of this and the complete end of the siege on the Gaza Strip, as agreed upon in the first stage.

Third Stage (45 days):

This stage aims at exchanging the bodies and remains of the deceased between the two sides after identification, and continuation of humanitarian measures from the first and second stages, according to what will be agreed upon in the first and second stages.

Framework Agreement Appendix: Details of the First Stage

- Complete cessation of military operations from both sides, and stopping all forms of aerial activities including reconnaissance, throughout this stage.

- Redeployment of "israeli" forces away from populated areas in the entire Gaza Strip, to be aligned with the dividing line to the east and north, enabling the parties to complete the exchange of detainees and prisoners.

- Both parties will release "israeli" detainees from among women and children (under the age of 19, not conscripted), the elderly, and the sick, in exchange for all prisoners in the occupation's prisons including women, children, elderly (above 50 years), and the sick who were arrested up to the date of signing this agreement without exception, in addition to 1,500 Palestinian prisoners, of whom Hamas will name 500 with life sentences and high sentences.

- Completion of necessary legal procedures ensuring that the released Palestinian and Arab prisoners are not re-arrested for the same charges for which they were arrested.

- The mutual and simultaneous release in a manner that ensures the release of all individuals listed in the pre-agreed lists during this stage, with names and lists exchanged before implementation.

- Improvement of conditions for prisoners in the occupation's prisons and lifting of measures and sanctions imposed after October 7th, 2023.

- Stopping the incursions and aggression by "israeli" settlers on Al-Aqsa Mosque and returning the situation in Al-Aqsa Mosque to what it was before 2002.

- Intensifying the entry of necessary and sufficient quantities for the residents' needs (no less than 500 trucks) of humanitarian aid and fuel daily, allowing appropriate quantities of humanitarian aid to reach all areas of the Strip, especially the north of the Gaza Strip.

- The return of displaced persons to their residences in all areas of the Strip, ensuring the freedom of movement of residents and citizens by all means of transport without hindrance in all areas of the Gaza Strip, especially from the south to the north.

- Ensuring the opening of all crossings with the Gaza Strip, resumption of trade, and allowing the freedom of movement of individuals and goods without obstacles.

- Lifting any "israeli" restrictions on the movement of travelers, patients, and the wounded through the Rafah crossing.

- Ensuring all wounded men, women, and children are allowed to receive treatment abroad without restrictions.

- Egypt and Qatar will lead efforts with all necessary parties to manage and supervise the guarantee, achievement, and completion of the following issues:

   1. Providing and introducing sufficient heavy equipment necessary for debris and rubble removal.

   2. Providing civil defense equipment, and the requirements of the Ministry of Health.

   3. The process of reconstructing hospitals and bakeries across the Strip and introducing what is necessary for establishing camps for residents/tents for sheltering the population.

   4. Introducing no less than 60,000 temporary homes (caravans/containers) such that 15,000 homes enter the Gaza Strip each week from the start of this stage, in addition to 200,000 shelter tents, at a rate of 50,000 tents each week, to shelter those whose homes were destroyed by the occupation during the war.

   5. Beginning the reconstruction and repair of infrastructure in all areas of the Strip, and rehabilitating electricity, telecommunications, and water networks.

   6. Approving a reconstruction plan for homes, economic facilities, and public utilities destroyed due to aggression, scheduling the reconstruction process within no more than 3 years.

- Resumption of all humanitarian services provided to the population in all areas of the Strip, by the United Nations, its agencies, especially UNRWA, and all international organizations operating to resume their work in all areas of the Gaza Strip as before October 7th, 2023.

- Re-supplying the Gaza Strip with the necessary fuel to re-operate the power generation station and all sectors.

- The occupation's commitment to supplying Gaza with its electricity and water needs.

- Beginning (indirect) negotiations regarding the requirements necessary for the continued cessation of mutual military operations and return to a state of complete and mutual calm.

- The exchange process is closely linked to the extent of commitment to the entry of sufficient aid, relief, and shelter mentioned and agreed upon.

Guarantors of the agreement: Egypt, Qatar, Turkey, Russia, the United Nations

 

31/01/2024

The Elders call for immediate compliance by Israel with ICJ provisional measures


The Elders, 29/1/2024

The Elders was founded by Nelson Mandela in 2007. We are an independent group of global leaders working for peace, justice, human rights and a sustainable planet. @TheElders

 

Statement:  The Elders call for Israel to comply immediately with the provisional measures ordered by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to protect Palestinians in Gaza from acts of genocide.

 


The Elders also call for Israel’s allies to publicly affirm their respect for the Court’s ruling, and to use the political, military and financial leverage at their disposal to ensure Israel’s compliance with the provisional measures.
 
The ICJ’s legally binding decision is a moment of the utmost gravity. 

Israeli forces have killed over 25,000 Palestinians in Gaza, destroyed homes and infrastructure across the territory and displaced up to 1.9 million people. The Elders share the Court’s judgement that this scale of devastation risks causing irreparable harm to the people of Gaza.
  
Israel, as the occupying military power, must comply with the Court’s ruling and implement the provisional measures in full. This includes ensuring its military does not commit any acts of genocide against the Palestinian people as a protected group, including killing members of the group. It also includes preventing incitement to genocide, and enabling provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance. An immediate step must be to lift the siege of Gaza and end the collective punishment of Palestinians.

The Elders support the Court’s emphasis that all parties to the conflict are bound by international humanitarian law, and its call for the immediate and unconditional release of the hostages held by Hamas and other armed groups.

All states have a responsibility to respect the Court’s ruling. South Africa has shown moral leadership in bringing this case, and it is now incumbent on others – particularly Israel’s allies and the UN Security Council – to live up to their own moral and legal obligations to prevent acts of genocide, and support the ICJ’s ruling.

As a minimum, Israel’s allies must ensure they are not complicit in any atrocity crimes. The Elders thus reiterate their call for all countries providing military assistance to Israel to place this under review and set new conditions for future provision. Governments which provide military assistance in the knowledge that atrocities are being committed, or may be imminent, risk being complicit. Self-defence can never be a justification for atrocity crimes.

For too long, Israel’s allies – particularly the United States and many European states – have provided political cover for its violations of international law.  This impunity must end now.
  
Political leaders who choose to disregard or undermine the Court’s ruling risk further weakening the international rule of law at a time when it is already acutely under threat. The UN Security Council has a vital role in ensuring compliance with the ICJ ruling and upholding the consistent application of international law. The world is watching.

Mary Robinson, former President of Ireland and Chair of The Elders

Ban Ki-moon, former UN Secretary-General and Deputy Chair of The Elders

Graça Machel, Founder of the Graça Machel Trust, Co-founder and Deputy Chair of The Elders 

Gro Harlem Brundtland, former Prime Minister of Norway and former Director-General of the WHO

Helen Clark, former Prime Minister of New Zealand and former head of the UN Development Programme

Elbegdorj Tsakhia, former President and Prime Minister of Mongolia

Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights

Hina Jilani, Advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and co-chair of the Taskforce on Justice

Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, former President of Liberia and Nobel Peace Laureate

Ricardo Lagos, former President of Chile

Juan Manuel Santos, former President of Colombia and Nobel Peace Laureate

Ernesto Zedillo, former President of Mexico