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Affichage des articles dont le libellé est Nazis. Afficher tous les articles

26/07/2022

FRANK SCHUMANN
“I was never afraid of the big shots”: A conversation with German lawyer Friedrich Wolff

On the defense of old Nazis, the leadership of the FRG and the tribunal against Erich Honecker.

Frank Schumann, junge Welt, 23/7/2022
Translated by John Catalinotto

You will be 100 years old on July 30. Congratulations on this rare anniversary!

Please don’t congratulate me before it happens.

What has always fascinated me about you is your humor - detached, self-deprecating, ambiguous wit.

Conditions in the world are sad enough. You don’t change them by lamenting them or reacting depressively. Or, as Marx says, by putting one’s face into the prescribed creases. No, that was never my thing. One must try to stand above things, otherwise one sinks with one’s nose in every muck.

But this is not from Marx, seems to me to be from Luxemburg.

When she is right, she is right.

I see at present only noses in the muck.

There I will not contradict you.

 

I don’t know. Well, I can remember phases when I was very emotional.

When, for example?

In the spring of 1960, when I defended Theodor Oberländer, the Federal Minister for Displaced Persons. The Supreme Court of the German Democratic Republic had indicted him for his involvement in war crimes.

As a first lieutenant, Oberländer had been involved in negotiations with the Ukrainian nationalists under Stepan Bandera on behalf of the High Command of the Wehrmacht in 1941. He was in the “Nightingale Battalion” ...

…consisting of Ukrainian nationalists who had become prisoners of war, and which was under the control of the fascist secret service.

Oberländer was the liaison officer for the “Abwehr [military intelligence service] .”  The unit entered Lviv even before the Wehrmacht and, together with Ukrainian collaborators, massacred “Jewish Bolsheviks.” The exact number of victims could never be determined, but it was in the thousands. So the charge was generally: “for murder.” And I was assigned to the accused “as a public defender.”

So the socialist was supposed to defend a Nazi?!

Even for a suspected war criminal, the presumption of innocence applies first. Every defendant must be treated fairly in court, even if he himself did not act legally. I know that this is sometimes difficult to understand, especially when the facts are conclusive.

Did the Nazi federal minister appear at the court hearing in Berlin?

No, the trial was held in absentia. Together with my Erfurt colleague Gerhard Rinck, I had tried to contact our client beforehand. But our letter came back from Bonn after it had been opened and resealed there. The envelope bore the handwritten note: “Acceptance subsequently refused. Caretaker has no power of attorney for Federal Minister for Displaced Persons, Refugees and War-Affected Persons.”

You said earlier that you had been emotional. Because of the prominence of the client? Because of the international attention?

Well, I was never afraid of big shots. It was the trial as such. Never before had a West German former Nazi, especially one with government responsibility, been indicted by a GDR court for his war crimes. The trial was not only aimed at the specific person, but at the political leadership of the Federal Republic of Germany as a whole. The trial had great symbolic significance.

In the West, people still speak of a “show trial” today.

Of course it was a show trial. The GDR thus proved the continuity of the Nazi dictatorship in the West German state, the ally of the USA and its anti-communist bulwark against the East. So the scope of defense was limited.

 Nevertheless, we defense lawyers declared that the Supreme Court had no jurisdiction. First, the acts had not been committed on our territory; second, the criminal law of the GDR had not applied to Oberländer when he committed the acts. And thirdly, Oberländer was protected by the immunity of the German Bundestag. 

The application was rejected. On April 29, 1960, Oberländer was sentenced to life in prison for the shooting of several thousand Jews and Poles in Lemberg. This did not even take into account the murderous acts he later committed with the German-Caucasian “Sonderverband Bergmann” in the Soviet Union.

Oberländer probably did not spend a day in jail.

No, but he had to resign six days later,although he remained politically active. In 1981, for example, he was one of the co-signers of a “Heidelberg Manifesto” that spoke out against the “infiltration of the German people” and the “alienation” of the German language and culture.

Let me guess: Oberländer was rehabilitated after 1990?

11/03/2022

KHAZA MOKHAMMED
The west and creation of nazism

Khaza Mokhammed, 11/3/2022

 Khaza Mokhammed (1989) is a Russian linguist, PhD in Classics Romance philology from Moscow Region State University, author of many articles in Russian language on middle french Grammar and Latin language.

“History is not the soil in which happiness grows. The periods of happiness in it are the blank pages of history”- Hegel 

 A brief  Marxist Leninist analysis of western imperialism  

To understand the Marxist approach to the question of imperialism, unfortunately, it is not enough to read Lenin's work ‘Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism’. For all the importance of this book, it actually has a rather narrow subject matter. Lenin's goal, as can be seen from the text of this book, was to analyse from a Marxist standpoint how imperialism differs from the pre-imperialist stage in the development of capitalism, to show the decadent, reactionary character of imperialism as a stage in the decay of capitalism, and to criticize opportunist tendencies in the analysis of imperialism (in particular, Kautsky's theory). But there is no complete description of imperialism as a world system from the point of view of Marxist political economy in the book, although Lenin, of course, proceeds from the fact that imperialism is a world system. And if you pay attention to some of his later texts and speeches, it becomes clear that Lenin still had a much deeper and more holistic understanding of imperialism than he presented in this book.

An attempt to give a large-scale analysis of world imperialism as a whole with its internal laws was made by Rosa Luxemburg in her book ‘The Accumulation of Capital’, but this attempt was unsuccessful, and Rosa's theory turned out to be completely false.

The western imperialism would invade a sovereign nation, overthrow its legitimate government under the pretext of democracy, turn  great civilizations into rubble as in the case of Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yugoslavia.


Western Imperialism and  Nazism

In 1934, the Poles signed a non-aggression pact with the Germans. The Declaration was Hitler's first foreign policy success, which secured the eastern borders and allowed him to focus on expanding the western ones.

Polish leader Jozef Pilsudski and German propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels

The Polish leadership hoped to make friends with an aggressive neighbour and found common interests in the division of Czechoslovakia. However, neither the non-aggression pact nor the alliance with England and France helped the Poles: on April 28, 1939, Germany broke the agreement, and on September 1, Great Britain declared war. The Anglo-German Naval Agreement, signed in 1935, allowed Germany to acquire a navy. Prior to that, it was banned due to defeat in the First World War. As a result of the negotiations, the British allowed Hitler to build 5 battleships, 2 aircraft carriers, 21 cruisers and 64 destroyers. These forces equalized the Nazi state with Italy and France, and also gave an advantage over the naval forces of the USSR.

The Modern Nazism

The fact that Ukraine, in the three and a half years after the Maidan, has turned into a country of victorious surrealism, where the level of lawlessness has been elevated to the rank of state madness, is clear today, probably, to any sane person.

In fact, Ukraine today is a country where people are in power who preach this disgusting misanthropic ideology quite openly. Moreover, they even seem to take credit for it.

 Europe does not care about the “reincarnation” modern  Neo Nazis in Ukraine. Doesn’t condemn torchlight processions under banners with swastikas… State terror Desecration of graves and monuments doesn’t  hold the Neo  Nazis accountable  – for burning people in the Odessa House of Trade Unions shelling of Donbass and political assassinations.

Former U.S. senator John McCain With the Ukrainian Neo Nazis

23/11/2021

REINALDO SPITALETTA
Et Hitler se réveilla à Tuluá, Colombie

Reinaldo Spitaletta, Sombrero de mago [Chapeau de magicien, chronique], El Espectador, 23/11/2021

Traduit par Fausto Giudice, Tlaxcala

En 1954, on a vu Hitler se promener dans le froid de Tunja [la capitale du Boyacá], emmitouflé dans une ruana [variante andine de poncho], on l'a même photographié, puis, pour raisons de santé, le pauvre, il s’est fait repérer prenant les eaux à Paipa. On raconte même que Laureano Gómez, phalangiste pur jus jusqu'à ce qu'il doive se prosterner devant les USA, l'un des vainqueurs de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, a rendu hommage au Führer. Les "Léopards" [acronyme de Légion Organisée pour la Restauration de l'Ordre Social], grands rhétoriciens gréco-quimbaya-caldenses, étaient aussi des sympathisants nazis.

 


Laureano, afin de « faire de la lèche » aux gringos, arma et envoya le bataillon colombien en Corée, croyant ainsi effacer le souvenir de ses sympathies passées pour la phalange espagnole et la croix gammée allemande. À Medellín, dans les années de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, avec une grande présence de sympathisants nazis, Detective 100 a signalé que dans le Banco Alemán-Antioqueño, dirigé par Reinhard Gundlach et consul allemand dans cette ville, il y avait une distribution de propagande nazie et un réseau militant qui comprenait des pharmaciens et quelques brasseurs de bière.

« Lorsque la propagande arrive à la Banque, M. Gundlach oblige ses subordonnés à la lire, à la commenter et à la célébrer, puis elle est envoyée à M. Adolph Stober, chef de la propagande, qui est chargé de la représentation des fabricants allemands de produits pharmaceutiques. M. Stober se charge ensuite, par l'intermédiaire de ses agents et de la colonie nazie, de le distribuer à ses adeptes et à ses adeptes potentiels, qu'il gagne avec une étonnante habileté », note Detective 100, comme le raconte « Une collectivité honorablement suspecte ».

Le fantôme d'Hitler (certains prétendent qu'il n'est pas mort à Berlin en 1945, mais qu'il s'est échappé et a voyagé en Amérique du Sud) a manifesté sa sinistre matérialité dans les mouvements néo-nazis, racistes et génocidaires. Il est inconcevable qu'il existe, comme c'est le cas par exemple en Colombie, des adorateurs d'un auteur de crimes contre l'humanité.


Ce qui s'est passé à l'école de police de Tuluá n'est pas seulement une démonstration d'affection inhabituelle pour un système politique d'horreurs, qui a conduit l'humanité à une destruction sans précédent dans l'histoire, mais un symptôme de l'ignorance crasse des membres de cette institution. Et, comme dirait un Français, plutôt que d'arbitraire, c'est de bêtise qu’il s’agit, qui a autant d'histoire que la méchanceté.