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10/02/2025

SANTIAGO GONZÁLEZ VALLEJO
EU and Spain associated to war crimes

Santiago González Vallejo, 10/2/2025

The author is a Spanish economist who works at the Unión Sindical Obrera trade union and is a member and co-founder of the Comité de Solidaridad con la Causa Árabe (Arab Cause Solidarity Committee).

For many years now, we have accused the European Union of being an accomplice in the occupation and colonization of the Territories occupied by Israel (Palestine territory prior to 1967, the Syrian Golan Heights and the Shebaa Farms in Lebanon), as well as the blockade of Palestinian Gaza. This is confirmed by its global inaction and its de facto support for Israel in terms of arms trade, security agreements, maintenance of trade relations – including with the settlements in the Occupied Territory, in both directions – partnership in programs of all kinds or granting aid. All of this forces us to consider that the EU is not only complicit but also a party to Israel's war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The European Union (as well as NATO), through these agreements, has been considering Israel as a partner, ally, etc., despite it being an occupying state with supremacist laws that discriminate against Palestinians and despise international law, including the right of return.  All of this is the origin and cause of the injustice suffered by the Palestinian people.  The European Union and other Western countries, by siding with Israel, are participants in the crimes of repression and continuous violence that Israel exercises to maintain that territorial domination.

An excuse sometimes alleged in the abandonment of accepted values of the European Union (such as the respect of international law, democracy or shared prosperity) is that many Europeans are trapped ideologically in accepting the Israeli narrative that they are the Jews who were massacred and discriminated against in the last century. But those Europeans who discriminated and massacred Jewish citizens of their own country, are not us, today’s Europeans. They were, generically, our ancestors. This leads us to ask questions such as: do today’s European have to pay for crimes that they did not commit, or are today’s Israelis victims of those atrocities?

Israelis cannot adduce that they are the same people as those Jews who suffered the Holocaust along with other groups. Nor can the actions of these Israelis against the Palestinians, with their occupation, colonization and supremacist laws, be justified based on the suffering and attempted annihilation of Jews by Nazi and fascist supremacist ideologies (now recreated by many European and Israeli parties).

14/01/2025

JONATHAN POLLAK
“I saw that the floor was covered with blood. I felt fear run like electricity through my body. I knew exactly what was about to come”
Testimonies from the Zionist gulag

Rape. Starvation. Fatal beatings. Mistreatment. Something fundamental has changed in Israeli prisons. None of my Palestinian friends who have recently been released are the same people they used to be

Jonathan Pollak, Haaretz  , 9/1/2025
Translated by Shofty Shmaha, Tlaxcala

Tlaxcala's Note: Haaretz finally translated this article from Hebrew into English, allaying our fears that they wouldn't. You can read their version here 

Jonathan Pollak (1982) was one of the founders of the Israeli group Anarchists Against the Wall in 2003. Wounded and imprisoned on several occasions, he contributes to the daily Haaretz. In particular, he refused to appear before a civilian court, demanding to be tried by a military tribunal, like a common Palestinian, which he was obviously refused.

 

Jonathan Pollak facing an Israeli soldier during a protest against the closure of the main road in the Palestinian village of Beit Dajan, near Nablus, occupied West Bank, Friday, March 9, 2012. (Anne Paq/Activestills)



Jonathan Pollak at the Jerusalem Magistrate's Court, arrested as part of an unprecedented legal campaign by the Zionist organization Ad Kan, January 15, 2020. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)



Activists hold up posters in support of Jonathan Pollak during the weekly demonstration in the Palestinian town of Beita, in the occupied West Bank, February 3, 2023. (Wahaj Banimoufleh)


Jonathan Pollak alongside his lawyer Riham Nasra at the Petah Tikva court during his trial for throwing stones during a demonstration against the Jewish settler outpost of Eviatar in Beita, occupied West Bank, September 28, 2023. (Oren Ziv)

When I returned to the territories [occupied since 1967] after a long detention following a demonstration in the village of Beita, the West Bank was very different from what I knew. Here too, Israel has lost its nerve. Murders of civilians, attacks by settlers acting with the army, mass arrests. Fear and terror around every corner. And this silence, a crushing silence. Even before my release, it was clear that something fundamental had changed. A few days after October 7, Ibrahim Alwadi, a friend from the village of Qusra, was killed along with his son Ahmad. They were shot as they accompanied four Palestinians who had been shot the day before - three by settlers who had invaded the village, the fourth by soldiers who were accompanying them.

After my release, I realized that something very bad was happening in the prisons. Over the past year, as I regained my freedom, thousands of Palestinians - including many friends and acquaintances - were arrested en masse by Israel. As they began to be released, their testimonies painted a systematic picture of torture. Fatal beatings are a recurring motif in every account. It happens in prisoner counts, during cell searches, at every movement from one place to another. The situation is so serious that some inmates ask their lawyers to hold hearings without their presence, because the path from the cell to the room where the camera is installed is a path of pain and humiliation.

I hesitated for a long time about how to share the testimonies I heard from my friends who had returned from detention. After all, I'm not revealing any new details here. Everything, down to the smallest detail, already fills volume upon volume in the reports of human rights organizations. But for me, these are not the stories of faraway people. These are people I have known and who have survived hell. None of them is the same person they once were. I seek to tell what I’ve heard from my friends, an experience shared by countless others, even while changing their names and obscuring identifiable details. After all, the fear of reprisals recurred in every conversation.

Blows and blood

I visited Malek a few days after his release. A yellow gate and guard tower blocked the path that once led to the village from the main road. Most of the other roads passing through the neighboring villages were all blocked. Only one winding road, near the Byzantine church that Israel blew up in 2002, remained open. For years, this village had been like a second home to me, and this is the first time I’ve been back there since my release. 

Malek was detained for 18 days. He was interrogated three times, and during all the interrogations, he was asked trivial questions. He was therefore convinced that he would be transferred to administrative detention - that is, without trial and without evidence, without being charged with anything, under a veneer of secret suspicion and with no time limit. This is indeed the fate of most Palestinian detainees now. 

After the first interrogation, he was taken to the Garden of Torment. During the day, the guards would remove mattresses and blankets from the cells and return them in the evening when they were barely dry, and sometimes still wet. Malek describes the cold of winter nights in Jerusalem as arrows penetrating flesh to the bones. He tells how they beat him and the other inmates at every opportunity. At every count, every search, every movement from one place to another, everything was an opportunity to hit and humiliate.

“Once, during the morning count,” he told me, ”we were all on our knees, our faces turned towards the beds. One of the guards grabbed me from behind, handcuffed my hands and feet, and said in Hebrew, 'Come on, move'. He lifted me up by the handcuffs, behind my back, and led me bent over across the courtyard next to the cells. To get out, there's a sort of small room you must go through, between two doors with a small window”. I know exactly which little room he’s talking about, I’ve passed through it dozens of times. It's a security passage where, at a given moment, only one of the doors can be opened. “So we got there,” Malek continues, “and they slammed me against the door, my face against the window. I looked inside and saw that the floor was covered in clotted blood. I felt fear run through my body like electricity. I knew exactly what was going to happen. They opened the door, one came in and stood by the window at the back, blocked it, and the other threw me inside onto the floor. They kicked me. I tried to protect my head, but my hands were handcuffed, so I didn’t really have any way of doing that. They were murderous blows. I really thought they might kill me. I don’t know how long it lasted. At some point, I remembered that the night before, someone had said to me, “When they hit you, scream at the top of your lungs. What do you care? It can’t get any worse, and maybe someone will hear and come.” So I started shouting really loud, and indeed, someone did come. I don't understand Hebrew, but there was some shouting between him and them. Then they left and he took me away. I had blood coming out of my mouth and nose”.

Khaled, one of my closest friends, also suffered from the violence of the guards. When he was released from prison after eight months’ administrative detention, his son didn’t recognize him from afar. He ran the distance between Ofer prison and his home in Beitunia. Later, he said that he hadn’t been told that the administrative detention was over, and he was afraid that there had been a mistake and that they would soon arrest him again. This had already happened to someone who was with him in the cell. In the photo his son sent me a few minutes after their meeting, he looks like a human shadow. All over his body - his shoulders, arms, back, face, legs - were signs of violence. When I came to visit him, he stood up to kiss me, but when I took him in my arms, he groaned in pain. A few days later, examinations showed edema around the spine and a rib that had healed.
In the Megiddo prison

Every action is an opportunity to hit and humiliate

Another testimony I heard from Nizar, who was already in administrative detention before October 7, and has since been transferred to several prisons, including Megiddo. One evening, the guards entered the cell next door and he could hear the blows and cries of pain from his cell. After a while, the guards picked up an inmate and threw him alone into the isolation cell. During the night and the following day, he moaned in pain and never stopped shouting “my belly” and calling for help. No one came. This continued the following night. Towards morning, the cries stopped. The next day, when a nurse came to take a look around the ward, they understood from the tumult and the screams of the guards that the inmate was dead. To this day, Nizar doesn't know who it was. It was forbidden to speak between cells, and he doesn't know what day it was. 

After his release, he realized that during the time he was detained, this detainee had not been the only one to die in Megiddo. Tawfik, who was released in winter from Gilboa prison, told me that during a check of the area by prison officers, one of the inmates complained that he wasn’t allowed out into the yard. In response, one of the officers said to him: “You want the yard? Say thank you for not being in the Hamas tunnels in Gaza”. Then, for two weeks, every day during the noon count, they took them out into the yard and ordered them to lie on the cold ground for two hours. Even in the rain. While they lay there, the guards walked around the yard with dogs. Sometimes the dogs would pass between them, and sometimes they’d actually step on the inmates lying down; they’d walk all over them.

According to Tawfik, every time an inmate met a lawyer, it came at a price. “I knew every time that the way back, between the visiting room and the ward, would add at least three more volleys of blows. But I never refused to go. You were in a five-star prison. You don’t understand what it’s like to be 12 people in a cell where even six are cramped. It’s like living in a closed circle. I didn’t mind at all what they were going to do to me. Just seeing someone else talking to you like a human being, maybe seeing something in the corridor on the way, that was worth everything to me”.

Munther Amira   - the only one here to appear under his real name - was released from prison by surprise before the end of his period of administrative detention. Even today, no one knows why. Unlike many others who have been warned and fear reprisals, Amira told the cameras about the catastrophe in the prisons, calling them cemeteries for the living. He told me that one night, a Kt’ar unit burst into their cell at Ofer prison, accompanied by two dogs. They ordered the inmates to strip down to their underwear and lie on the floor, then ordered the dogs to sniff their bodies and faces. Then they ordered the prisoners to get dressed, led them to the showers and rinsed them with cold water while clothed. On another occasion, he tried to call a nurse for help after an inmate attempted suicide. The punishment for calling for help was another raid by the Kt’ar unit. This time, they ordered the inmates to lie on top of each other and beat them with truncheons. At one point, one of the guards spread their legs and hit them in the testicles with a truncheon. 

 Hunger and disease

Munther lost 33 kilos during his detention. I don't know how many kilos Khaled lost, having always been a slim man, but in the photo sent to me, I saw a human skeleton. In the living room of his house, the light from the lamp then revealed two deep depressions where his cheeks used to be. His eyes were surrounded by a red outline, that of someone who hadn't slept in weeks. On his skinny arms hung loose skin that looked as if it had been artificially attached, like plastic wrap. Blood tests on both showed severe deficiencies. Everyone I spoke to, regardless of the prison they passed through, repeated almost exactly the same menu, which is sometimes updated, or rather reduced. The last version I heard, from Ofer prison, was: for breakfast, one and a half boxes of cheese for a cell of 12 people, three slices of bread per person, 2 or 3 vegetables, usually a cucumber or a tomato, for the whole cell. Once every four days, 250 grams of jam for the whole cell. For lunch, one disposable plastic cup with rice per person, two spoonfuls of lentils, a few vegetables, three slices of bread. At dinner, two spoonfuls (coffee, not soup spoons) of hummus and tahini per person, a few vegetables, three slices of bread per person. Sometimes another cup of rice, sometimes a falafel ball (just one!) or an egg, which is usually a bit spoiled, sometimes with red dots, sometimes blue. And that’s it. Nazar told me: “It’s not just the quantity. Even what's already been brought in isn’t edible. The rice is barely cooked, almost everything is spoiled. And you know, there are even real children there, the ones who have never been in prison. We've tried to take care of them, to give them our rotten food. But if you give a little of your food away, it's like committing suicide. In the prison there is now a famine (maja'a مَجَاعَة), and it's not a natural disaster, it’s the policy of the prison service.”

Recently, hunger has even increased. Because of the cramped conditions, the prison service is finding ways to make the cells even tighter. Public areas, canteens - every place has become an extra cell. The number of prisoners in the cells, which were already overcrowded before, has increased still further. There are sections where 50 extra prisoners have been added, but the amount of food has remained the same. Not surprisingly, prisoners are losing a third or more of their body weight in just a few months.

Food is not the only thing lacking in prison, and inmates are in fact not allowed to own anything other than a single set of clothes. A shirt, a pair of underwear, a pair of socks, a pair of pants, a sweatshirt. That's it. For the duration of their detention. I remember once, when Munther's lawyer Riham Nasra visited him, he came into the visiting room barefoot. It was winter and freezing cold in Ofer. When she asked him why, he simply said: “There aren't any”. A quarter of all Palestinian prisoners suffer from scabies, according to a statement by the prison service itself in court. Nizar was released when his skin was healing. The lesions on his skin no longer bled, but scabs still covered large parts of his body. “The smell in the cell was something you can't even describe. Like decomposition, we were there and we were decomposing, our skin, our flesh. We’re not human beings there, we’re decomposing flesh,” he says. “Now, how could we not be? Most of the time there's no water at all, often only an hour a day, and sometimes we had no hot water for days. There were whole weeks when I didn't have a shower. It took me over a month to get soap. And there we are, in the same clothes, because nobody has a change of clothes, and they’re full of blood and pus and there’s a stench, not of dirt, but of death. Our clothes were soaked with our decomposing bodies”.

Tawfik recounted that “there was only running water for an hour a day. Not just for showers, but in general, even for toilets. So, during that hour, 12 people in the cell had to do everything that required water, including natural needs. Obviously, this was unbearable. And also, because most of the food was spoiled, we all had digestive problems almost all the time. You can't imagine how bad our cell stank”.

In such conditions, the health of the prisoners obviously deteriorates. Such rapid weight loss, for example, forces the body to consume its own muscle tissue. When Munther was released, he told his wife Sana, who is a nurse, that he was so dirty that his sweat had dyed his clothes orange. She looked at him and asked, “What about the urine?” He replied, “Yes, I peed blood too.” “You idiot,” she yelled at him, ”that wasn't dirt, that was your body rejecting the muscles it had eaten”.

Blood tests on almost everyone I knew showed that they suffered from malnutrition and severe deficiencies of iron, essential minerals and vitamins. But even medical care is a luxury. We don't know what goes on in the prison infirmaries, but for the prisoners, they don’t exist. Regular treatment has simply ceased. From time to time, a nurse makes a tour of the cells, but no treatment is administered, and the “examination” amounts to a conversation through the cell door. The medical response, at best, is paracetamol and, more often, something along the lines of “drink some water”. Needless to say, there's not enough water in the cells, as there's no running water most of the time. Sometimes a week or more goes by without even the nurse visiting the block.

And if there’s little talk of rape, there’s no need to mention sexual humiliation - videos of prisoners being led around completely naked by the prison service have been posted on social networks. These acts could not have been documented other than by the guards themselves, who sought to brag about their actions. The use of the search as an opportunity for sexual assault, often by hitting the groin with the hand or metal detector, is an almost constant experience, regularly described by prisoners who have been in different prisons.

I didn’t hear about assaults on women first hand, obviously. What I have heard, and not once, is the lack of hygienic material during menstruation and its use to humiliate. After the first beating on the day of her arrest, Mounira was taken to Sharon prison. On entering the prison, everyone goes through a body search, but a strip search is not the norm and requires reasonable cause to suspect that the inmate is hiding a prohibited object. A strip search also requires the approval of the officer in charge. During the search, no officer was there for Mounira, and certainly no organized procedure to verify reasonable suspicion. Mounira was pushed by two female guards into a small search room, where they forced her to remove all her clothes, including her underwear and bra, and get down on her knees. After leaving her alone for a few minutes, one of the guards came back, hit her and left. In the end, her clothes were returned to her, and she was allowed to get dressed. The next day was the first day of her period. She was given a sanitary pad and had to make do with it for the whole of her period. And it was the same for all of them. By the time she was released, she was suffering from an infection and severe inflammation of the urinary tract.

Epilogue

Sde Teiman was the most terrible place of detention, and this is supposedly why they closed it down. Indeed, it’s hard to think of the descriptions of horror and atrocity that came out of this torture camp without thinking of the place as one of the circles of hell. But it was not without reason that the state agreed to transfer those held there to other locations - principally Nitzan and Ofer. Sde Teiman or not, Israel is holding thousands of people in torture camps, and at least 68 of them have lost their lives. Since the beginning of December alone, the deaths of four more detainees have been reported. One of them, Mahmad Walid Ali, 45, from the Nour Shams camp near Tulkarm, died just one week after his arrest. Torture in all its forms - hunger, humiliation, sexual assault, promiscuity, beatings and death - does not happen by chance. Together, they constitute Israeli policy. This is the reality.



 



01/01/2025

TESTIMONIAL
A Gazan woman’s diary: “We died all kinds of deaths”

Nour Z Jarada has lived in Gaza all her life. For  the French daily “Libération”, this psychologist from Médecins du Monde France writes about her daily life in the war-torn Palestinian enclave. Episode six: the anguish of winter and a hint of hope.

by Nour Z Jarada, Gazan psychologist for Médecins du Monde France, Libération  , 12/31/2024
Translated by Fausto Giudice, Tlaxcala

December is drawing to a close and we’re facing a second winter of war. I could never have imagined going through another winter like this one. Winter used to be my favorite season. When asked what my favorite time of year was, I always answered winter. Always. I loved its rain, its coolness, its comfort. I wished it was always winter. But things are different now. I can no longer afford the luxury of loving winter. I no longer have a warm home, winter clothes, blankets or even heating. I no longer have our streets, our gatherings, or our warm cups of tea shared with loved ones. From now on, none of us here can afford the luxury of loving winter.
I remember crying my eyes out at the first rain of the year. The sadness of another winter while we’re still at war was unbearable. My heart broke for us, for the families in the tents. That night, I saw flooded tents on the news and thanked God for the fragile roof over my head. Yet my heart broke for our children and families who spent the night in the icy water, waiting for dawn or simply for the rain to stop. As those dark hours stretched on, a child’s cries rang out from a nearby tent. They pierced the silence, filled with sorrow and pain. I didn’t know if the child was cold or hungry, but I couldn’t sleep. All nights are terrifying in wartime: they are merciless, cruel and endless. As we all know, we dread the long hours between now and morning and pray for the night’s horrors to come to an end.


Displaced people’s tents after heavy rain in Deir al-Balah, Gaza Strip, December 30. (Madji Fathi/NurPhoto. AFP)

Resilience

Today, after more than a year and two months of war in Gaza, I’m a different person. Unfortunately, I’m not sure whether this change is a good or a bad thing. On the one hand, grief weighs heavily on my heart, a wound so deep that not even time can erase it. This injustice opens the door to a myriad of questions racing through my mind: Why? How is it that the geographical space in which we were born, to which we belong, our race, our color, our religion, are all factors that determine our destiny? Our suffering, our trauma? How can these elements, which we have not chosen, control the course of our lives? How can we heal from such merciless traumas? How can I go on living without my loved ones? These questions haunt me, all the more so when I imagine the end of the war.

Yet I’ve also discovered a resilience I never imagined I possessed. I endured fear, displacement, loss, grief, tears and unimaginable sorrow. I’ve faced it all patiently, even when I had no choice. Through it all, it was my unshakeable faith that carried me through, a conviction that there is a reason for everything, even if only God knows it. We believe in God. Every trial we go through carries with it a wisdom we can’t grasp with our minds. We turn our hearts over to God, even when the trial seems humanly beyond our capacity. This faith has driven me to persevere, to keep working, to fight and to support those around me.

Security nowhere to be found

In this war, adversity knows no bounds: the famine in northern Gaza during the year was unthinkable. People were forced to eat tree leaves, desperately searching for the slightest remnant of flour. The “flour massacre” even made international headlines, with people eating blood-stained bread. Countries sent aid by sea, our people drowned trying to reach it. Is it really possible that Gaza, once celebrated for its hospitality and generous cuisine, is now a land of starvation? Yet this is the reality we face. We have died all kinds of deaths. And today, famine has caught up with us in southern and central Gaza, areas supposedly “safe” for displaced civilians. But safety remains elusive.

Food is becoming increasingly scarce, and prices are rising so much that they are becoming unaffordable for most of us. Flour, once a staple, is now hard to come by. Those who manage to obtain small quantities often find it infested with worms or insects, but we sift it before cooking and eating it because we have no alternatives.

I’ve even joked bitterly with colleagues that I’d rather die in an air strike than starve to death: it would be quicker and less painful. What greater injustice can there be than to live in a world where we think about a way to die, about the least unbearable way to leave this life?

Maybe I’ll never write again

Since the beginning of December, there have been a few glimmers of hope; rumors of a potential ceasefire. But nobody dares to be optimistic anymore. That’s another change. Just a few months ago, I was one of those hopeful people. Every time I heard rumors of a ceasefire, I rushed to pack my suitcase, ready to go home. But each time, my heart was broken. Today, I’ve learned not to hope. In psychology, this is called learned helplessness: when repeated failures or hardships leave a person in a state of helplessness, unable to believe that things will change.

Yet I still dream of the end of the war. I dream of returning to my home in northern Gaza, of seeing my grandmother again. She’s over 70 and a resilient, gentle and very religious woman. I haven’t seen her since October 7th. My heart longs to hold her close to me. I can’t imagine how she has endured terror, hunger and grief. Sometimes we talk on the phone, but it’s too painful. We both cry and the calls end with more fear and longing.

At this moment, I imagine myself writing to you next time from the north of Gaza. Maybe a little piece of the hopeful Nour is still there in me. Or maybe I’ll never write again. No one knows what the future is made of. But what I do know is that oppression always ends one day. As the poet Aboul-Qacem Echebbi  wrote: “If it happens to the people, one day, to want to live, fate will have to answer.” And as God promises in the Qur’an: “Next to difficulty is, surely, ease!” Despite all we endure, we cling to our strength and resilience. Every day, we put aside our grief to take on our roles and reach out to those around us. Helping those the world has forgotten gives meaning and purpose to our lives.

Such a simple desire

Last month, a moment seared itself into my memory. A young man visiting our clinic lost his entire family and his right leg in the war. The only survivor, he now lives alone in a flimsy tent. Despite this unimaginable loss, he represents a source of hope for others. During psychosocial sessions, he learned breathing exercises and coping techniques. We’ve noticed that he’s now teaching these exercises to other patients in the clinic’s waiting room, and sharing how he’s coping with his grief. His strength inspires me.

At times, my colleagues and I allow ourselves to dream of returning to our devastated city. We talk about the first things we would do when that day comes. First and foremost, we want to honor the memory of our dear colleague, Dr Maisara, by digging his body out of the rubble of his house after more than a year and giving him a dignified burial. Then we’ll seek shelter; perhaps in tents and work together to rebuild our lives and the clinic, to continue serving our people. As for me, I’ll see my grandmother again. It’s such a simple but profound desire that gives me the strength to continue enduring the hardships.

Honestly, after all this, if I had the choice, I’d choose to be a Ghazawiya, to be a Palestinian, from this land I love again and again, today and forever.





05/12/2024

DAHLIA SCHEINDLIN
Pourquoi les Israéliens n’ont aucune excuse de ne pas savoir ce qui se passe à Gaza

Un garçon blessé est évacué après une frappe israélienne dans la ville de Gaza . Photo Omar Al-Qattaa/AFP

La couverture de la guerre par les médias dominants israéliens est remarquablement conformiste et repliée sur elle-même, mais ce n’est pas la seule raison qui explique le manque de couverture de la mort et de la destruction à Gaza. Le public israélien a également fait un choix

Dahlia Scheindlin, Haaretz, 4/12/2024
Traduit par Fausto Giudice, Tlaxcala

La récente décision du gouvernement israélien de couper tout contact avec notre journal est un coup alarmant porté à la couverture médiatique critique.
Dans le même temps, le gouvernement Netanyahou fait avancer avec énergie la législation visant à dissoudre le radiodiffuseur public israélien, Kan, qu’il juge depuis longtemps trop critique et trop indépendant. Al Jazeera est interdite en Israël depuis le mois de mai.
Ces mesures représentent des attaques autoritaires importantes, mais familières, contre la presse libre. Mais d’une certaine manière, elles ne font que détourner l’attention. Le problème le plus profond de la couverture israélienne de la guerre vient des médias eux-mêmes - et du public israélien.
(In)fameusement, les grands médias israéliens ont laissé un trou béant là où ils auraient dû couvrir les horreurs de la guerre à Gaza. Certains pensent même que si les Israéliens avaient vu plus d’horreurs chaque soir, ils n’auraient peut-être pas toléré les combats aussi longtemps.
Mais les gardiens des médias ont fait ce choix volontairement, et non sous la contrainte du gouvernement. En outre, après plus d’un an (et bien avant), ce qui passe à la télévision n’a plus d’importance : les Israéliens n’ont aucune excuse pour ne pas savoir.

Un Palestinien inspecte une école abritant des personnes déplacées après qu’elle a été touchée par une frappe israélienne, dans la ville de Gaza, mardi. Photo Mahmoud Sameer/Reuters

Les médias au service du moral des troupes
La mobilisation volontaire des médias israéliens est bien antérieure à la guerre actuelle et résulte d’une histoire de collusion avec le gouvernement plutôt que d’un contrôle direct de l’État. Dans la Palestine mandataire, les rédacteurs en chef des journaux sionistes se sont réunis pour coordonner la manière de présenter aux autorités coloniales britanniques les meilleurs arguments en faveur de la création d’un État.
Ce que l’on a appelé le « comité des rédacteurs »  a perduré après l’indépendance. À l’époque, les rédacteurs travaillaient main dans la main avec les dirigeants politiques pour recevoir des secrets de choix, tout en décidant collectivement de ce qu’il valait mieux ne pas rendre public.
Le comité des rédacteurs n’existe plus, mais la télévision, la radio et les journaux israéliens sont remarquablement conformistes et repliés vers l’intérieur, vers Israël, dans leur couverture de la guerre. Le gouvernement n’a pas à dire aux rédacteurs en chef de la télévision ce qu’ils doivent faire. Même la censure militaire n’est qu’un obstacle modéré (voir l’enquête de Local Call et de +972 Magazine sur la sélection des cibles par l’IA  israélienne, qui a passé la censure et fait des vagues dans le monde entier).
Mais il est trompeur de conclure que les Israéliens ont simplement succombé à la négligence de Gaza dans les reportages télévisés grand public.
D’une part, les critiques israéliens ont eux-mêmes remarqué le problème. Les auteurs de Haaretz ont bien sûr abordé les échecs des médias en temps de guerre. Dans The Seventh Eye, une publication de surveillance des médias, Chen Egri a écrit sur le manque de couverture de Gaza https:/www.the7eye.org.il/520983, notant que c’est principalement Haaretz et Local Call qui publient une couverture extensive des dégâts à Gaza, en hébreu.

Une femme palestinienne est embrassée alors qu’elle réagit sur le site d’une frappe israélienne sur une école abritant des personnes déplacées, dans la ville de Gaza, mardi. Photo Mahmoud Sameer/Reuters

Les critiques ne se limitent pas à la gauche. Amnon Levy, l’un des correspondants les plus influents et les plus appréciés de la télévision israélienne grand public, a récemment écrit dans Ynet - un portail d’information centré sur le grand public - que les journalistes « sont confrontés à un dilemme : montrer les atrocités de la guerre ? L’abandon des otages ? Les destructions que nous avons causées à Gaza ? Sur les jeunes qui quittent le pays ? ... Si nous ne les montrons pas, nous trahissons notre mission ». Mais il conclut que les grandes chaînes de télévision ont surtout choisi cette dernière voie.
Shai Lahav est un documentariste chevronné et un chroniqueur du Maariv, dont le travail comprend des séries télévisées diffusées sur Kan 11, la chaîne financée par l’État. Il écrit également des pièces de théâtre et des paroles de chansons et s’intéresse de près à la culture populaire et aux médias.
Dans un article publié en juin, il a reproché aux chaînes de télévision israéliennes de ne pas montrer davantage les destructions à Gaza. Il a souligné dans une interview qu’il se situait au centre de l’échiquier politique et qu’il n’était pas un « suspect habituel » de la gauche, et que sa foi en une résolution pacifique du conflit a été ébranlée après le 7 octobre.
Mais Lahav pense qu’Israël est handicapé par le fait de ne pas voir ce que le monde entier sait, comme la controverse mondiale sur le raid des Forces de défense israéliennes pour sauver quatre otages en juin, où des centaines de Palestiniens ont été tués.
Lundi, Lahav a attiré l’attention sur un rapport du New York Times exposant une importante base militaire en cours de construction dans le centre de la bande de Gaza, qui semble étrangement permanente. Haaretz a enquêté et publié cette histoire des semaines auparavant, mais où est le reste des grands médias israéliens ? Les Israéliens qui ne lisent peut-être pas le New York Times ne devraient-ils pas être informés par des sources locales ?
Lahav pense que les journaux télévisés devraient au moins inclure des émissions spéciales, peut-être dans les éditions les plus longues du week-end, sur la situation à Gaza. Il faut que cela vienne aussi des Palestiniens, et pas seulement de ceux qui disent « Nous détestons le Hamas » », a-t-il déclaré, faisant référence à la tendance des journaux télévisés israéliens à mettre l’accent sur les critiques palestiniennes du Hamas (ou sur la haine arabe du Hezbollah). Le fils de Lahav a effectué son service de réserve à Gaza et dans le nord du pays, tandis que lui-même a servi lors de la première intifada. Fort de ces expériences, il est convaincu que « l’obligation de connaître toutes les parties est plus importante que jamais ».

De nombreuses sources

Mais quelles que soient les faiblesses des grands médias israéliens, ils ne racontent tout simplement pas toute l’histoire. Selon les rapports d’évaluation, environ 40 % des Israéliens, dans le meilleur des cas, regardent les principaux programmes d’information télévisés. En revanche, l’Association israélienne de l’Internet a constaté que 89 % des Israéliens ont utilisé l’Internet en 2022 et 2023, et que 78 % utilisent les médias sociaux - Israël se classe cinquième sur 19 pays développés pour ce qui est de ces derniers, selon le prestigieux Pew Research Center. Il est impossible que les Israéliens soient exclusivement nourris à la cuillère par des informations télévisées maladroites.

Des Palestiniens déplacés s’abritent dans une école à Khan Younès, dans le sud de la bande de Gaza, mardi. Photo Hatem Khaled/Reuters

Tehilla Shwartz Altshuler, spécialiste du droit et de la politique des médias à l’Institut israélien de la démocratie, a noté que les Israéliens ne recherchent pas seulement des opinions en chambre d’écho sur ces applications, mais aussi des informations concrètes.
C’est particulièrement vrai pour Telegram, où les gens peuvent rejoindre des canaux qui sont personnalisés, notoirement non censurés et non régis par un algorithme. Les Israéliens les utilisent déjà largement pour renforcer leur attitude militante ou intransigeante. Au grand dam de l’armée, des soldats ont fièrement documenté leurs propres excès à Gaza sur leurs comptes de médias sociaux.
Mais les médias sociaux offrent tous les types d’informations, accessibles avec de la curiosité et quelques clics. Les juifs israéliens ne connaissent peut-être pas les Palestiniens de Gaza crédibles à suivre sur Instagram, et ne voient peut-être pas les articles les plus graphiques, mais beaucoup d’entre eux obtiennent des informations qui vont bien au-delà des news israéliennes traditionnelles.
Shwartz Altshuler est fascinée par une chaîne appelée Abu Ali Express, dirigée par un Israélien anonyme dont les informations sur le monde arabe - et les Palestiniens - se sont avérées fiables à plusieurs reprises. Il est également controversé, puisqu’il a été engagé pour conseiller les FDI sur leurs opérations psychologiques concernant ces questions. En 2022, Haaretz a révélé son nom [Gilad Cohen] et a indiqué que son contrat de consultant avec les FDI avait pris fin au début de l’année 2022. Lorsqu’il a finalement accordé une interview à Israel Hayom cet été (en insistant toujours sur l’anonymat), il n’avait rien d’un  gauchiste.
Elle note que les gens peuvent en apprendre beaucoup plus sur Gaza, le Liban et le Moyen-Orient ici que dans les journaux télévisés israéliens. « Vous êtes exposés à beaucoup plus de matière première, et donc à plus d’informations en provenance de Gaza qui sont basées sur des sources locales, des sources arabes, et qui ne dépendent pas uniquement des [reporters israéliens] embarqués ».
Avec plus d’un demi-million d’abonnés, explique-t-elle, son audience rivalise avec celle d’une chaîne de télévision traditionnelle. Malgré son implication dans les forces de défense israéliennes, l’objectif qu’il poursuit - y compris les informations détaillées en provenance de Gaza - est bien plus large que les informations télévisées du soir. « L’idée que les Israéliens ne connaissent Gaza que par les médias traditionnels n’est pas correcte », affirme-t-elle.
En conséquence, malgré le discours sur l’absence de couverture médiatique de Gaza, une enquête de l’Institut israélien de la démocratie réalisée en avril a révélé que 84 % des Israéliens ont déclaré avoir vu de nombreuses ou quelques « images ou vidéos montrant les destructions massives à Gaza ».

Un bâtiment détruit à la suite d’une frappe israélienne dans le quartier Sabra de la ville de Gaza, mardi. Photo Omar Al-Qattaa/AFP

Savoir et ne pas savoir
Avec autant de sources d’information disponibles, le problème est peut-être plus psychologique que technique. Personne au monde ne serait capable de tourner la page sur le 7 octobre [ni sur la Nakba ni sur les innombrables guerres menées par Israël, NdT]. Les Israéliens peuvent voir des vidéos de Gaza sur Telegram et, en même temps, ils consomment beaucoup de médias grand public qui couvrent chaque Israélien blessée, l’histoire de chaque otage et les funérailles de chaque Israélien tué.
Lorsqu’on lui a demandé ce qu’il pensait que les journaux télévisés du soir pouvaient faire de mal, Lahav a fait remarquer que malgré certaines distinctions entre les chaînes d’information télévisées, « il n’est question que de nos souffrances... on n’entend pas un mot de la partie gazaouie. C’est absurde ». Et il a fait allusion à quelque chose que j’ai moi aussi expérimenté : une certaine aliénation par le chagrin. « Je connais beaucoup de gens qui ne peuvent plus regarder [les reportages sur le deuil], parce qu’ils n’en peuvent plus », dit-il.
Les émissions de radio du matin couvrent souvent les funérailles de la veille, tandis que les bulletins d’information de fin de soirée présentent les funérailles du jour même. Entre les deux, de longs entretiens avec les familles endeuillées donnent aux auditeurs moins de temps pour obtenir davantage d’informations. Je suppose qu’ils développent également une plus grande résistance personnelle à l’empathie envers les Palestiniens.
Les sondages montrent régulièrement que la majorité des Palestiniens n’ont pas vu les vidéos des atrocités du 7 octobre, ne croient pas qu’elles se sont produites et pensent que l’attaque du Hamas était justifiée. [le compte rendu du sondage par le Centre palestinien de recherche sur la politique et les sondages ne dit rien de tel. Lire un extrait de leur communiqué à la fin de cet article, NdT]
Mark Lilla, spécialiste des sciences humaines à l’université de Columbia, consacre un livre à paraître à « ne pas vouloir savoir » , ce qui est le sous-titre même de son ouvrage
[Ignorance and Bliss: On Wanting Not to Know - Ignorance et béatitude : De la volonté de ne pas savoir]. Dans un essai publié par le New York Times, il évoque la tendance moderne à s’accrocher à des opinions indiscutablement erronées ou à refuser de renoncer à notre ignorance. Son livre traite de l’humanité, et non d’Israël, de sorte que les Israéliens ne sont certainement pas uniques.
Mais Lilla insiste sur le fait qu’en matière de recherche de la vérité, « nos vies sont en jeu » - un argument qui est bien plus angoissant sur un champ de bataille ensanglanté. Les Israéliens doivent commencer à prendre la responsabilité de savoir, car quelque part, des vies en dépendent.

NdT
« Soutien à l'attaque du 7 octobre : une fois de plus, les résultats montrent un déclin du soutien global à l'offensive du Hamas du 7 octobre. La baisse, de 13 points de pourcentage, est significative à la fois en Cisjordanie et dans la bande de Gaza, mais plus encore dans cette dernière où la baisse est de 18 points, s'établissant aujourd'hui à 39%. Dans notre précédent sondage, la baisse de l'opinion positive sur l'attaque du 7 octobre s'élevait à 14 points de pourcentage. Il est important de noter que le soutien à cette attaque ne signifie pas nécessairement un soutien au Hamas et ne signifie pas non plus un soutien aux meurtres ou aux atrocités commises contre les civils. En effet, près de 90 % du public estime que les hommes du Hamas n'ont pas commis les atrocités décrites dans les vidéos prises ce jour-là. Le soutien à l'attentat semble toutefois provenir d'un autre motif : les résultats montrent que plus de deux tiers des Palestiniens estiment que l'attentat a placé la question palestinienne au centre de l'attention et a mis fin à des années de négligence aux niveaux régional et international. »
Source :
Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research,
Press Release: Public Opinion Poll Nr. 93, 17/9/2024 

GIDEON LEVY
Même l'ancien chef de l'armée israélienne mérite un peu de pitié



Une femme palestinienne déplacée transporte son chat de Beit Lahia à Jabalya, à Gaza, mercredi.

Gideon Levy, Haaretz,  5/12/2024
Traduit par Fausto Giudice, Tlaxcala


La haine de Benjamin Netanyahou fait des merveilles.
Elle rend les gens fous. Son effet est alchimique, transformant des personnes responsables de crimes de guerre en opposants aux crimes de guerre. Néanmoins, il faut les accueillir, quelles que soient leurs motivations. Quiconque découvre soudain la vérité sur ce qu'Israël fait aux Palestiniens et ose le dénoncer publiquement apporte une contribution importante à la lutte désespérée contre l'apartheid et l'occupation.
Même Moshe Ya'alon devrait être félicité pour ses remarques sur le nettoyage ethnique dans le nord de la bande de Gaza. Lorsque l'ancien chef d'état-major et ministre de la Défense, faucon par excellence, parle de nettoyage ethnique, c'est sensationnel. Il n'est pas facile de le qualifier de traître, mais la machine de propagande s'y emploie déjà.

Moshe Ya'alon lors d'une manifestation devant la résidence privée du premier ministre, en octobre. Photo Yair Gil

Mais Israël n'a pas besoin d'eux : même le président Isaac Herzog et le président de l'opposition Yair Lapid ont été mis à contribution pour insister sur le fait qu'aucune expulsion n'était en cours à Gaza. Nettoyage ethnique ? De quoi vous parlez ?
En fait, des centaines de milliers de personnes sont poussées dans des convois interminables de personnes déplacées et des ministres déclarent qu'ils ne retourneront jamais dans leurs maisons, qui ont été systématiquement détruites, de toute façon - mais il n'y a pas de nettoyage ethnique. Le sang, c’est de l'eau et les ruines un mirage.
Que ce soit parce qu'il n'a rien à perdre politiquement, parce que son dégoût de Netanyahou l'a rendu fou ou parce qu'il est réellement choqué par ce qui se passe à Gaza, le bref acte de bravoure de Ya'alon n'est allé qu'à mi-chemin.
Il a rapidement précisé qu'il n'accusait pas les militaires de nettoyage ethnique. Les ministres Itamar Ben-Gvir et Bezalel Smotrich ainsi que l'activiste de droite Daniella Weiss sont les coupables. L'expulsion est de leur fait, pas de celui de l'armée.
Il a même écrit que « le gouvernement a le droit de décider d'évacuer les Arabes de Gaza et de la coloniser avec des Juifs ». Ya'alon est le dernier des vieux de la vieille, dont les valeurs n'ont pas changé : le gouvernement a le droit de commettre des crimes contre l'humanité.

Une femme porte le corps de son enfant tué lors d'une frappe israélienne sur le camp de réfugiés de Nuseirat, dans le centre de la bande de Gaza. Photo : Eyad Baba/AFP


Il en est ainsi pour quelqu'un dont la carrière a été fondée sur des crimes de guerre et des violations du droit international. Un homme qui a été commandant de la division de Judée et Samarie et chef du commandement central de l'armée - des fonctions dont l'objectif est de préserver et de renforcer une occupation qui est criminelle à la base - puis chef d'état-major et ministre de la défense d'une armée d'occupation ne peut pas se libérer de son passé.
Cela ne change pas, même lorsqu'il ose dire que « Tsahal n'est pas l'armée la plus morale aujourd'hui ». Soudain, Tsahal a chuté dans le classement moral de Ya'alon. Mais cela signifie qu'elle était la plus morale jusqu'à ce que Smotrich et Ben-Gvir arrivent et changent la donne. Quelle honte !

Des Palestiniens, déplacés de Beit Lahia, arrivent à Jabalya mercredi. Photo Omar Al-Qattaa/AFP

En 2015, alors que Ya'alon était ministre de la Défense, il a interdit les activités de l'ONG Breaking the Silence dans l'armée. Cela signifie que les soldats n'étaient plus autorisés à entendre les récits de crimes de guerre de leurs pairs. De là à l'épuration ethnique, le chemin est court. Ya'alon, qui admet que le nettoyage ethnique existe, accuse l'extrême droite. Non, Ya'alon, l'armée n'est pas innocente. Pas un instant.


Le ministre des finances Bezalel Smotrich s'exprime lors d'une conférence en octobre, destinée à encourager la colonisation future de la bande de Gaza, Photo Tomer Appelbaum

Les Smotrich poussent au crime, mais l'armée exécute allègrement, sans hésiter, sans poser de questions, des ordres contraires à l'éthique. Mais ce n'est pas seulement le cas aujourd'hui ou hier. Cela s'est produit sous le commandement de Yaalon lors de l'opération « Bouclier défensif » de 2002, et avant et après.
Il est vrai que l'ampleur des crimes a atteint cette fois-ci des niveaux sans précédent depuis au moins la première Nakba. Mais l'essence morale, qui veut que nous soyons autorisés à faire tout ce qu’on veut aux Palestiniens, est la même. Ya'alon leur a fait n'importe quoi, même sans Smotrich, et les militaires leur ont fait n'importe quoi avant Netanyahou.

Une enseignante donne un cours à des enfants dans une salle de classe très endommagée à Khan Younès. Photo Bashar Taleb/AFP

Vous ne pouvez plus prétendre qu'il n'y a pas moyen de séparer la responsabilité des dirigeants civils de celle des militaires. C'est un refuge pour les personnes qui se mentent bêtement à elles-mêmes et aux autres. Lorsque des soldats maltraitent régulièrement des Palestiniens innocents à Hébron, comme l'a révélé un récent rapport de B'Tselem, et que des commandants militaires le permettent, c'est toute l'armée qui est responsable, et pas seulement Smotrich. Et qui procède à l'expulsion que Ya'alon a découverte ? Les soldats.
Dieu est miséricordieux envers ceux qui se repentent. Ya'alon a reconnu une partie de sa culpabilité et a nié le reste, et c'est pourquoi on lui pardonnera un peu. Ses mains resteront tachées du sang de l'occupation, à moins qu'il ne trouve le courage de comprendre que tout ça n'a pas commencé avec Smotrich.

04/11/2024

LIVE VIDEO: Haaretz Conference, Israel After October 7th: Allied or Alone?

The aftermath of the 7th October and the war in the southern and northern regions have far-reaching implications for Israel, the Middle East, and the broader international order. Since 7th October, the UK has assumed a pivotal role, emerging as one of the primary global powers engaged in resolving the crisis and shaping a post-war landscape. In light of these developments and the new government in the UK, the conference will engage our community, allies, and thought leaders in reflecting on the situation in Israel, Palestine, and the wider region.

29/10/2024

Refusing Complicity in Israel's Literary Institutions
A letter by writers, translators, publishers, and other book workers

Monday, October 28, 2024:

We, as writers, publishers, literary festival workers, and other book workers, publish this letter as we face the most profound moral, political and cultural crisis of the 21st century. The overwhelming injustice faced by the Palestinians cannot be denied. The current war has entered our homes and pierced our hearts. 

The emergency is here: Israel has made Gaza unlivable. It is not possible to know exactly how many Palestinians Israel has killed since October, because Israel has destroyed all infrastructure, including the ability to count and bury the dead. We do know that Israel has killed, at the very least, 43,362 Palestinians in Gaza since October and that this is the biggest war on children this century. 

This is a genocide, as leading expert scholars and institutions have been saying for months. Israeli officials speak plainly of their motivations to eliminate the population of Gaza, to make Palestinian statehood impossible, and to seize Palestinian land. This follows 75 years of displacement, ethnic cleansing and apartheid. 

Culture has played an integral role in normalizing these injustices. Israeli cultural institutions, often working directly with the state, have been crucial in obfuscating, disguising and artwashing the dispossession and oppression of millions of Palestinians for decades.

We have a role to play. We cannot in good conscience engage with Israeli institutions without interrogating their relationship to apartheid and displacement. This was the position taken by countless authors against South Africa; it was their contribution to the struggle against apartheid there.

Therefore: we will not work with Israeli cultural institutions that are complicit or have remained silent observers of the overwhelming oppression of Palestinians. We will not cooperate with Israeli institutions including publishers, festivals, literary agencies and publications that:

  • Are complicit in violating Palestinian rights, including through discriminatory policies and practices or by whitewashing and justifying Israel's occupation, apartheid or genocide, or 
  • Have never publicly recognized the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people as enshrined in international law. 
To work with these institutions is to harm Palestinians, and so we call on our fellow writers, translators, illustrators and book workers to join us in this pledge. We call on our publishers, editors and agents to join us in taking a stand, in recognising our own involvement, our own moral responsibility and to stop engaging with the Israeli state and with complicit Israeli institutions.


02/10/2024

RENÁN VEGA CANTOR
Education after Gaza



The title of this text paraphrases Education After Auschwitz, the title of a radio lecture given by the German philosopher Theodor Adorno in 1966 and later published in printed form, the first lines of which read as follows: “Demanding that Auschwitz never happen again is the first requirement of all education. It precedes all others so much that I don't think I should or can justify it. I can't understand why we didn't care so much about it until today. Justifying it would be somewhat monstrous in the face of the monstrosity of what happened. […] Discussing ideals in the field of education leads to nothing in the face of this demand: never again Auschwitz. This was the type of barbarism against which all education stands.”

Today we are faced with repetition the genocidal barbarism by Israel against the Palestinian people.   In this essay, Colombian historian Renán Vega Cantor outlines what critical educators driven by a humanist ethic could and should be doing.

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30/09/2024

ALAIN GRESH/SARRA GRIRA
Gaza – Lebanon, a Western war

Alain Gresh and Sarra Grira, Orient XXI, 30/9/2024
Translated by
Fausto Giudice, Tlaxcala

Alain Gresh (Cairo 1948) is a French journalist specialising in the Mashreq region and director of the OrientXXI website.

 Sarra Grira is a doctor in French literature and civilisation, with a thesis entitled Roman autobiographique et engagement: une antinomie? (XXe siècle), and is editor-in-chief of OrientXXI.

How far will Tel Aviv go? Not content with reducing Gaza to a field of ruins and committing genocide, Israel is extending its operations to neighbouring Lebanon, using the same methods, the same massacres and the same destruction, convinced of the unfailing support of its Western backers who have become direct accomplices in its actions.

The number of Lebanese killed in the bombardments has exceeded 1,640, and the Israeli ‘exploits’ have multiplied. Inaugurated by the episode of the pagers, which caused many Western commentators to swoon over the ‘technological feat’. Too bad for the victims, killed, disfigured, blinded, amputated, written off. It will be repeated ad nauseam that, after all, it was just Hezbollah, a ‘humiliation’, an organisation that, let's not forget, France does not consider to be a terrorist organisation. As if the explosions had not affected the whole of society, killing militiamen and civilians alike. Yet the use of booby-traps is a violation of the laws of war, as several specialists and humanitarian organisations have pointed out [1].

The summary assassinations of Hezbollah leaders, including that of its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah, each time accompanied by numerous ‘collateral victims’, do not even cause a scandal. Netanyahu's latest thumbing of his nose at the UN was to give the go-ahead for the bombing of the Lebanese capital at the organisation's own headquarters.

In Gaza and the rest of the occupied Palestinian territories, the members of the UN Security Council are ignoring the opinions of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) more and more every day. The International Criminal Court (ICC) is delaying issuing a warrant against Benyamin Netanyahu, even though its prosecutor reports pressure ‘from world leaders’ and other parties, including himself and his family[2]. Have we heard Joe Biden, Emmanuel Macron or Olaf Scholz protest against these practices?

For almost a year now, a handful of voices - who would almost seem to be the village fools - have been denouncing Israeli impunity, encouraged by Western inaction. Such a war would never have been possible without the airlift of USAmerican - and to a lesser extent European - weapons, and without the diplomatic and political cover of Western countries. France, if it wanted to, could take measures that would really hit Israel, but it is still refusing to suspend the arms export licences it has granted. It could also lobby the European Union, with countries like Spain, to suspend the association agreement with Israel. It is not doing so.

The never-ending Palestinian Nakba and the accelerating destruction of Lebanon are not only Israeli crimes, but also Western crimes for which Washington, Paris and Berlin bear direct responsibility. Far from the posturing and theatrics of the UN General Assembly over the last few days, let's not be fooled by Joe Biden's anger or Emmanuel Macron's pious hopes for the ‘protection of civilians’, who has never missed an opportunity to show his unwavering support for Benyamin Netanyahu's extreme right-wing government. Let's not even forget the number of diplomats who left the UN General Assembly hall when the Israeli Prime Minister took the floor, in a gesture that had more to do with catharsis than politics. For while some Western countries bear primary responsibility for Israel's crimes, others, such as Russia and China, have taken no action to put an end to this war, whose scope is expanding daily, spilling over into Yemen today and perhaps Iran tomorrow.

This war is plunging us into a dark age in which the laws, the law, the safeguards, everything that would prevent humanity from sinking into barbarism, are being methodically torn down. An era in which one side has decided to put the other side to death, judging it to be ‘barbaric’. ‘Savage enemies‘, in Netanyahu's words, who threaten ’Judeo-Christian civilisation’. The Prime Minister is seeking to drag the West into a war of civilisation with religious overtones, in which Israel sees itself as the outpost in the Middle East. With undoubted success.

Through the arms and munitions they continue to supply to Israel, through their unwavering support for a spurious ‘right to self-defence’, through their rejection of the Palestinians' right to self-determination and to resist an occupation that the ICJ has declared illegal and ordered to be halted - a decision that the UN Security Council refuses to implement - these countries bear responsibility for Israel's hubris. As members of such prestigious institutions as the UN Security Council and the G7, the governments of these states endorse the law of the jungle imposed by Israel and the logic of collective punishment. This logic was already at work in Afghanistan in 2001 and in Iraq in 2003, with familiar results. Back in 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon, occupied the south, laid siege to Beirut and oversaw the massacres in the Palestinian camps of Sabra and Shatila. It was this macabre ‘victory’ that led to the rise of Hezbollah, just as Israel's policy of occupation led to 7 October. Because the logic of war and colonialism can never lead to peace and security.