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25/06/2024

Investigating the Algerian roots of French far right leader Jordan Bardella

Farid Alilat, The Africa Report, 24/6/2024

French far-right Rassemblement National (RN) party President and lead MEP Jordan Bardella in Paris on June 20, 2024. (Photo by JULIEN DE ROSA / AFP) 
French far-right Rassemblement National (RN) party President and lead MEP Jordan Bardella in Paris on June 20, 2024. (Photo by JULIEN DE ROSA / AFP)

Jordan Bardella, the president of France’s far right Rassemblement National, has an Algerian great-grandfather who was an immigrant worker. He settled in France, in the Lyon region, in the early 1930s. 

Jordan Bardella, president of the Rassemblement National and a potential future French Prime Minister, never speaks of his great-grandfather’s Algerian origins. The topic is hidden within the Bardella family and remains a taboo within Marine Le Pen’s former National Front. Yet, Mohand Séghir Mada, Bardella’s great-grandfather, indeed hailed from Kabylia, Algeria.

The Rassemblement National has made immigration one of the lynchpins of its election campaigns, regularly hammering migrants as being part of the social ills of France.

France will hold legislative elections on 30 June and 7 July, following President Emmanuel Macron’s decision to dissolve parliament after a disastrous showing in recent European elections.

Guendouz, dans la wilaya (département) de Bejaïa, le village natal de Mohand Séghir Mada.
Guendouz, in the wilaya of Bejaïa, Mohand Séghir Mada's birth place

 Back to Guendouz

The ancestor of Jordan Bardella came from the village of Guendouz, the main town of the Aït Rzine commune in the Bejaïa department*. In the 1920s, Algeria was a French colony, and in this small village clinging to the mountains facing the Soummam Valley, people survived by cultivating small olive fields and raising goats and sheep. Misery was widespread in the Kabylia region.

Albert Camus, a writer and future Nobel laureate in literature, was so moved by the situation that he dedicated a series of reports to it, published in 1939 in the newspaper Alger Républicain under the title “Misery in Kabylie.”

There were no factories, colonial farms, or manufacturing plants to provide jobs and prevent starvation. This dire poverty and hunger drove hundreds of thousands of people from Kabylie to emigrate to France in the early 20th century to work in factories and mines. In Guendouz, the Mada family struggled. The hardship forced Tahar Mada and his two sons, Bachir and Mohand Séghir, to sell or mortgage their olive fields.

To feed the family, the only option was to take a boat to France. Thus, in 1930, Mohand Séghir Mada and his older brother, Bachir, left their village for mainland France. Upon arriving in Marseille, Jordan Bardella’s great-grandfather moved to the Lyon region, with several thousand Algerian immigrants working in textile factories. According to Moussa Mada, Bachir Mada’s son, the two brothers worked in a dye factory in Villeurbanne.

08/10/2023

SALAH LAMRANI
French abaya ban: State conspiracy mongering and institutional harassment

 Salah Lamrani, Le Club de Mediapart, 22/9/2023

The author is a French literature  teacher and union activist

 France’s new Education Minister, Gabriel Attal, launched the 2023 school year with a thunderous announcement: “I decided it will no longer be possible to wear an abaya at school”, he said, in the name of a preposterous conception of secularism (or “laïcité”) adopted by President Emmanuel Macron. This “abaya ban” is a serious violation of the fundamental rights of presumed Muslim (i.e., racialized) pupils, who are unfairly stigmatized and discriminated against. Though he is the youngest Minister of the Fifth Republic, 34-years-old Gabriel Attal used the oldest and dirtiest trick in the book, namely the politics of scapegoating an oppressed, defenseless minority. Just like his predecessors, who were fond of such nauseating polemics that obscure the real and glaring problems of the French educational system.

Aminata, Assma, Yasmine, Alicia, Hassina, sent home for “non-compliant outfits”


What is an abaya?

The term “abaya” refers to a variety of dresses of varying lengths, which are in no way religion-specific garments, but simple fashion items with a cultural connotation at most. Major brands such as Zara, H & M and Dolce & Gabbana have been making their own for a long time. As proof of this, when Sonia Backès, the French Secretary of State in charge of Citizenship, was shown on TV several types of dresses to know if they were abayas and whether they should be accepted or forbidden in schools, she hesitated, stammered and toke a side step, replying that “it depends on the context”. Thus, in a quasi-official manner, the criteria for acceptance or rejection do not depend on the garment itself, but on the pupil wearing it and her presumed religion, which can only be determined on the basis of skin color and/or name. At the height of hypocrisy, Gabriel Attal justified this blatant discrimination by saying that “you shouldn’t be able to distinguish, to identify the religion of pupils by looking at them”.

 A traumatic start to the school year

Yet this is exactly what has been happening since the start of the school year, with hundreds, if not thousands, of middle and high school girls being
scrutinized, hounded, stigmatized and humiliated, even blackmailed, ordered to partially undress or be sent home for wearing outfits as neutral as a tunic, skirt or kimono, deemed too loose or too covering, as if the suspected modesty was a crime of lese-laicity. This obsession with controlling women’s bodies is reminiscent of the colonial period. Ironically, such a step places France alongside retrograde countries such as Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan that have instituted a “morality police” enforcing a strict dress code, with the notable distinction that French bans do not apply to everyone, but only to pupils presumed to be Muslim.

 

 “Aren't you pretty? Unveil yourself!” Propaganda poster distributed in 1957 by the Fifth Bureau of Psychological Action of the French Colonial Army in Algeria, urging Muslim women to take off their Islamic scarf.

 

27/07/2023

SALAH LAMRANI
Islamophobia in France: Stop the Fires of Hatred!

Salah Lamrani, CGT Éduc'action Clermont-Ferrand , 1/7/2023

The summer period is notoriously prone to forest fires, a formidable threat to our natural resources and the surrounding biodiversity. However, there is an even more insidious danger spreading through our societies, undermining our values and cohesion: irresponsible hate speech. A reminder of some recent occurrences is in order.

Occitan Hearth

At the end of April, in elementary schools, middle schools, and high schools in the Academies of Toulouse and Montpellier [French southern cities of the Occitania region], a survey on “absenteeism” during the month of Ramadan and the Eid al-Fitr holiday, particularly affecting priority education zones [underprivileged areas with a significant Muslim community], targeted exclusively Muslim pupils. Commissioned by the Interior Ministry, this survey was required from schools by the police and the Ministry of Education. This situation provoked a legitimate outcry.

Following the denunciation of these stigmatizing practices—which turn a basic practice of Islam into a security issue—fraught with illegality, since religious statistics (even non-nominative ones) are strictly regulated in France, the authorities, as usual, talked a lot of hot air: “clumsiness”, “badly formulated message”, “autonomous research by an intelligence officer”, “study of the impact of certain religious holidays on the operation of public services”... As if cops were known for carrying out sociological investigations in schools; as if a religion other than Islam had ever been in the line of fire; as if occasional absences, provided for in the Education Code and legally unassailable (for the time being), could harm the functioning of Europe's most overcrowded classrooms—after Romania.

A wet-finger estimate in [the right-wing newspaper] Le Figaro, announcing a “record absenteeism rate” on the day of Eid al-Fitr 2023 due to an alleged “TikTok trend,” is said to have prompted this investigation, which is perhaps intended to provide more quantified data for future witch-hunts. The data, moreover, is hardly usable, for while some school heads and inspectors have encouraged staff to respond to these tendentious surveys, which we can only deplore and denounce, others have fortunately dissuaded them from doing so—not to mention the fact that it is difficult to presume the reason for an absence on a Friday just before the national school holidays.

The question immediately arose as to the motives behind such a survey. Was it “only” a question of stirring up yet another unfounded controversy at the expense of the Muslim community? Or is the government planning to call into question an acquired right that is in no way contentious, in the name of an ever more narrow and misguided interpretation of secularism (which could tomorrow attack pork-free or meat-free menus in school canteens, ban any refunding of half-boarding fees for Muslim pupils during the month of Ramadan, etc.)? Will staff be the next targets of these investigations? Already, some non-teaching staff have been refused a “religious holiday” leave, which is illegal and unacceptable. Any attempt to generalize these measures on the pretext of “combating separatism” and “ensuring the smooth running of the public education service” must be fiercely opposed.

PACA Hearth and Ministerial Fuel to the Fire

On June 15, the Mayor of Nice and President of the Provence-Alpes-Côte-d'Azur (PACA) Regional Council, Christian Estrosi, issued an alarmist press release denouncing “several extremely serious incidents” which had occurred the previous day in three Nice elementary schools, and which were reported to the School Inspection Office, then to the Prefect of the Alpes-Maritimes Department, and the Prime Minister, Elisabeth Borne. The following day, the French Minister of Education, Pap Ndiaye, went even further, speaking of “intolerable facts,” the “mobilization of the Values of the Republic teams in all the schools concerned to ensure full respect for the principle of secularism on a permanent basis,” and the implementation of “the necessary government measures” to ensure respect for secularismor “laïcité”in schools.

The alleged “facts”? Some children in 4th and 5th grades were said to have “performed the Muslim prayer in their school playground” or organized “a minute's silence in memory of the Prophet Mahomet[1].” These were nothing more than rumors, as the expressions of doubt (“it is reported to me,” “or”) and the conditional tense (“These unacceptable situations would also have taken place in secondary schools”) clearly underlines. Worse still, before even the slightest verification of these absolutely insignificant alleged facts (it's just a handful of 9-10 year-olds having fun in the playground), Christian Estrosi likened these “attempts at religious intrusion into the sanctuaries of the Republic that are our schools” to “religious obscurantism attempting to destabilize us” and to “families who left to wage jihad in Syria,” who are reportedly beginning to return to France and sending their children “to our schools.”


Pap Ndiaye(replaced in the recent cabinet reshuffle by Gabriel Attal) and Christian Estrosi

And without even waiting for the results of “the General Inspectorate's investigation to establish the facts precisely and draw the appropriate conclusions” (no kidding), the full force of the law was brought to bear against this allegedly dangerous “slide” (which at this stage has not even gone beyond the stage of gossip): “meeting with all the departments concerned to set up an action plan,” “reinforcement of State action to ensure that these attacks on secularism are firmly combated,” “campaign to prevent and combat radicalization,” “firm, collective, and resolute response,” setting up “secularism and values of the Republic training courses” which “will be the subject of a common module bringing together all personnel...” The joint press release from Christian Estrosi and Pap Ndiaye concluded with a fanfare worthy of this outpouring of catastrophist press releases, disproportionate means, and withering epithets: “the principle of secularism is non-negotiable in our Republic.” Such a display of paranoia and hysteria is not surprising from the reactionary clown Estrosi, whose secular fervor is otherwise well known, but considering what Pap Ndiaye was before he plunged body and soul into the political cesspool [Pap Ndiaye was a Professor at the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences, focusing his research on the compared history of racially discriminatory practices in France and in America, and the Director of the French national museum of immigration], one can only feel a bitter mixture of disgust and pity[2].

Christian Estrosi’s uncompromising crusade for secularism: “Defending our Christian traditions also means defending the heritage of our elders, who also built our Nice countryside”.

 

An Eternal Flame

The deep-seated motivations behind such Islamophobic outbursts are well known and have unfortunately become a constant in the discourse of Emmanuel Macron and his minions. Having faced massive popular opposition with the pension reform, they now resort to a despicable strategy of scapegoating, reminiscent of the darkest hours of France’s history. In a notorious debate with Marine Le Pen, President of the Far-Right Party “Rassemblement National” (National Rally), Macron’s Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin accused her of being “too soft” on Islam and refusing to “name the enemy”: “You say that Islam isn't even a problem... You need to take vitamins, you're not harsh enough!”

During a special evening dedicated to Samuel Paty [French teacher who was beheaded by a radicalized Islamist for showing his pupils derogatory Charlie Hebdo cartoons depicting the Prophet of Islam], Darmanin also denounced “communitarianism” and the “baser instincts” of “separatism” related to clothing or food (again, no kidding). He criticized clothing stores offering “community outfits” and the “halal sections” of supermarkets, portraying these as shocking practices. His aim was to link these cultural practices, which are perfectly harmless and consensual, to terrorism—a despicable process of amalgamation, stigmatization, and the appropriation of far-right discourse that is increasingly overt in the discourse and practices of Macron and his ministers.

Far from deterring the Rassemblement National’s electorate, this trivialization has only served to consolidate and grow it, providing a vigorous “vitamin” treatment regularly administered to hate speech by those in power and their media echo chambers.

The infamous Charlie Hebdo contributed on this ominous issue with a cartoon (“School reinvents itself” – “We bring our homework to school”) and a comment: “The question is how to deal with these cases, which involve particularly young children. The ten-year-old boy who incited his classmates to observe a minute's silence for the Prophet was the subject of 'worrying information' sent to the Alpes-Maritimes departmental council, as the Nice education authority told Charlie Hebdo. An alert was also issued to the prefecture for 'suspicion of radicalization'. 'The child doesn't become flagged as a serious threat to national security,' we're told. The idea is for the intelligence services to rule out any threat and check that the parents are not dangerous.' In the meantime, the schoolboy has been excluded from the school canteen and has taken an early vacation. 'We can't afford another Samuel Paty,' says a member of the Rector's entourage.”

In any case, it wouldn't be the first time that alleged TikTok “cyber-attacks on secularism” or other unverified gossip causes an uproar in the services of the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of National Education. Let us mention the controversies surrounding the wearing of the abaya and the deployment of the Orwellian concept of “improvised religious clothing,” promoted during the dubious “laïcité” training courses imposed on all teaching staff throughout France. These courses provide instructions and even rhetorical and legal tools to track down alleged intentions behind the “suspicious” dresses of presumably Muslim girls. A dress bought at H&M could thus fall under the “law banning ostentatious religious signs” (which really only targeted the Islamic veil) and earn the targeted schoolgirls summons, reprimands, or even threats and exclusion if they refuse to dress in a “republican” manner: a “morality police” doubled with a “thought police” in short. And it seems that the French authorities have just introduced a “children's games police.” Are we soon to see SWAT teams in primary school playgrounds? The degree of insanity is such that a sneeze from a swarthy pupil that sounds vaguely like “Allahu Akbar” would be enough to trigger such an intervention.

Extinguishing the fires or fanning them?

At a time when violence, including far-right terrorism targeting our fellow Muslim citizens, is reaching worrying proportions, the government persists in fanning the flames of hatred with its pyromaniac actions, exacerbating the real dangers threatening civil peace. The government's approach involves all-out repression, police and security abuses with total impunity [the French police are lately becoming seditious and openly rebellious, literally demanding a license to beat up and even kill without being bothered by any kind of justice procedure], and over-instrumentalizing trivial facts to raise the specter of fantasized threats. These tactics only serve to pit citizens against each other and divide the French society.

The republican school urgently needs resources, not diversionary strategies, artificial tensions, or a perpetual call into question of the status and fundamental rights of users and staff. The “non-negotiable” secularism promoted and ardently defended by the CGT Educ’action aims to ensure the serenity and cohesion of the educational community, not to transform staff into zealous police auxiliaries or confine an entire population to the status of suspect or “enemy within,” to be constantly monitored and held at bay.

The Republic guarantees freedom of worship and equal treatment for all its citizens. Anyone committed to republican ideals must protest against this frenzied desire to ignite bonfires from the most microscopic twigs, and against stigmatizing and discriminatory practices that tarnish France's image abroad and regularly elicit condemnations from human rights associations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. National Education staff, in particular, must oppose these practices and report them to local union sections, which must vigorously defend all members of the educational community (staff, pupils, parents…) who fall victim to them.

Endnotes

[1] The minute's silence isn’t precisely a well-known practice in Muslim liturgy. As for the spelling “Mahomet,” we can only deplore the fact that despite the presence of the first name Mohammed in the top 10 of most given names in the current French population, and its position in the top 50 of names on French war memorials from the First World War, this backward-looking and contemptuous name dating from an era of antagonism between Christianity and Islam, and felt as an insult by millions of Muslims, remains in use.

[2] Like a downsized version of Voltaire fighting fanaticism in the days of the Inquisition, Pap Ndiaye has also taken to TV to denounce these “manifestations of religious proselytism in schools,” gargling in big words, notably BFM WC (“These facts are not acceptable in the School of the Republic... It is only natural that the Nice Academy, the Nice Rector, and the Nice Mayor should react firmly to ensure respect for the principles of secularism, which is why I have signed this joint declaration with the Nice Mayor... The parents have been summoned... The pupils have been reminded of their obligations with regard to religious neutrality, and they have been given training, because we're talking about children after all... In secondary schools, [for similar acts] there can be sanctions [or even] temporary or permanent exclusions...”). Pap Ndiaye did not hesitate to spread false Islamophobic information, namely that these children all belonged to the Muslim faith, which was denied by Eliane's testimony to BFM Côte d'Azur, whose non-Muslim grandson took part in these children's games: “He should check his sources because my grandson was part of the group playing and imitating prayer. There was no intention, no religion in the middle, it was really just a game... The stigmatization of children is really lamentable... That's why we no longer have confidence in politicians, because everything is blown out of proportion to unbelievable proportions, and this harms solidarity and life together.

[3] Let us remind that to be valid, Muslim prayer (especially in congregations) requires the age of puberty, a precise timetable, ablutions, specific clothing, orientation towards Mecca, etc.; so many conditions that it is simply impossible to meet in an elementary school playground during the lunch break.

 

 

 

09/06/2023

FAUSTO GIUDICE
Annecy, France: an amok “in the name of Jesus Christ”

 Fausto Giudice,  Tlaxcala, 9/6/2023

Amok, a term derived from the Malay word amuk meaning “uncontrollable rage”, refers to acts committed by people - usually men - suddenly gripped by a murderous madness, engaging in knife attacks against random individuals in a race that generally ends with the murderer's death or suicide. This extreme form of suicidal decompensation, observed in Malaysia and other countries, has been the subject of countless ethnological and psychiatric studies, literary works - from Rudyard Kipling to Romain Gary and Stefan Zweig - and films (at least 9 since 1927).


What happened on the shores of Lake Annecy on Thursday, June 8, 2023 is a typical case of amok: Abdelmasih Hannoun, a 31-year-old Syrian, stabbed 4 small children to death before the eyes of their horrified mothers, and then two seniors. A young man, Henri, 24, who was passing by, tried to stop him with his backpack, but failed. This was all it took for the marketing student, who is currently on a tour of France's cathedrals, to become the “backpack hero” of the so-called social networks. The police, alerted, intervened, putting an end to the mad race, without killing the aggressor, but by shooting him in the legs.

“As things stand, we have no evidence to suggest that there was any terrorist motivation,” said Annecy public prosecutor Line Bonnet-Mathis at a press briefing on the scene 6 hours later. As the assailant was not under the influence of alcohol or drugs, the investigation is focusing on his psychiatric history and psychological state. The investigators, who probably hasn’t read neither Stefan Zweig nor Émile Durkheim, will have have a hard time explaining this amok.

As the hours passed, details emerged about Abdelmasih Hannoun [literal translation: Merciful Slave of the Messiah]: a refugee in Sweden, where he married a Swedish woman from Trollhättan known in Turkey, this Syriac (“Assyrian”) Christian originally from Hassake, in northeastern Syria, spent some ten years in Sweden before divorcing and leaving the country. He applied for asylum in France, Italy and Switzerland before his first application for asylum in Sweden was finally accepted on April 26, 2023, resulting in the rejection of his application in France, notified on June 4. Having obtained a permanent residence permit in Sweden in 2013, he had applied for Swedish citizenship from 2017, which was rejected three times, despite having a child, now aged 3, and studying to become a nurse.

During his amok, this servant of the messiah shouted twice: “In the name of Jesus Christ”. He was carrying a cross and, in addition to his knife, a prayer book. As a result, the police did not shoot him in the head, which would certainly have been the case had he shouted “Allahu Akhbar”. This would have saved Mr. Darmanin, the Interior Minister, the trouble of racking his brain about “troubling coincidences” and calmed “the awe that is overwhelming our country” (Aurore Bergé, leader of the Macronist parliamentary group Renaissance, who took advantage of the Savoyard amok to denounce the “rag-tag battle” at the National Assembly over pension reform).

We could therefore add this definition to Gustave Flaubert’s  Dictionary of Received Ideas:

Amok: a form of terrorism when the perpetrator is a Muslim, a simply frightening and disturbing act when the perpetrator is Christian, even if he is a bearded Arab”.


 

11/04/2023

FAUSTO GIUDICE
50 years later, the rebirth of Malika, killed at 8 years old by a French gendarme: a gut-punching book

Fausto Giudice, April 7, 2023
Edited by John Catalinotto

I.                Prelude

Let's face it: my generation, the baby boomers of ‘68, has a general tendency to look down with condescension on the generation of millenials, the one of their grandchildren,. Or at least that's how they often perceive our veteran attitudes.

As for me, I never judge anyone, and it has, in the end, cost me dearly. Betrayal and slander are the common lot of human beings as soon as they are in society. And I understand perfectly those of my young friends who choose the path of a de-technologized hermitage in the mountains. I started thinking about it and dreaming of creating rural communities where any electronic or even electrical object would be left under guard at the entrance.

In the meantime, I spend, to my increasing despair, too much of the time I have left to live in front of my screens and on my keyboards. Twenty-five years ago, my insides revolted against this and started to bleed. I got out of it, by an unexplained miracle.

The surgeon who operated on me the second time told me that when I was on the table and my blood pressure had dropped to zero, he said to the team, "I'm going to take a break, I think when I come back he will have passed. And then to  his surprise, when he came back from the canteen he found  that the wop was still breathing. He explained to me the medical hypothesis that my digestive bleeding was Mallory-Weiss syndrome. That meant nothing to me.

I told him that I thought I had been the victim of virtual revolution syndrome on the Macintosh. The blow that had finished me off had been a totally messed up project by a bunch of idiots from Marseille, Avignon and the surrounding area to organize a “caravan to Palestine”. I quickly discovered that they were not only abysmally ignorant, but - usually it goes hand in hand - horribly pretentious. In short, no caravan, not to Palestine, not to anywhere else but the hospital.

Back for 12 years now in the country where I grew up then without television, without computer (it didn't exist), without cell phone (my parents' landline, which was in my room, almost never rang), I have a shock, a burst of shocks: in the Medina, entire streets of artisans had disappeared; in Malta Sghira street, all the wrought iron artisans had been replaced by merchants of shoddy furniture made of low-quality wood and plastic (the deckchairs I bought didn't last a year), and in the central market, the beautiful red tomatoes had given way to tasteless orange tomatoes, grown from hybrid seeds made in the EU, and destined for export to the EU. And eight of the twelve million inhabitants of the country had a facebook  account. As telephone subscriptions are often coupled with a FB account, many users (or used?) only know fessebouc, wadzapp, youtube, telegram or, from now on, tiktok.

And it is the same everywhere, from Medellin to Nablus, from Soweto to Jebel Lahmar. During the election campaigns I attended in my “country of return”, I did not see any poster stuck on a wall. None of the hundreds of people under 45 that I have known in these 12 years has ever written and prepared a leaflet in their life, to distribute it at 5 a.m. at a factory gate, or at 8 a.m. at a high school gate or at noon in a market, or at 6 p.m. at a department store exit. In short, in a few words, we went from the collé-serré {tight pasted, a sort of “dirty dancing” of Afriocan origine]/) of my youth to the copié-collé-posté-liké-buzzé (copied-pasted-posted-liked-buzzed) of today. And the 3 dozen bastards who try to rule our imploding planet are working hard (or rather making their high-tech slaves work) to make sure they don't need us anymore, thus annihilating us, while preparing their escape, on the moon or Mars or elsewhere.

A few years ago, a genius con man managed to sell titles to plots of land on the moon to Israelis who felt that the Zionist project was definitely failing and that they had no choice but to go and colonize the moon. There, at least, they were sure that they would be in guaranteed araberrein (clean of Arabs) territory.

II. Malika and Malika

On June 5, 2021, I received a notification from Yezid Malika Jennifer: “Good evening sir. Thank you for the tribute to my aunt malika yezid killed in 1973 by the gendarmes [emoji] good evening.”

June 7, second message:


“The little one downstairs was Malika.
I read your book and when I saw the name Yezid, which is also my name it touched my heart. Because this story destroyed my family. My grandmother told me this story. All these (police) blunders, these families torn apart, it's horrible.  All these names of these victims: we must never forget. Have a good day.”

Here is what she was referring to:

“On Sunday, June 24, gendarmes in Fresnes [outside Paris] looking for a fourteen year old Algerian boy, who got away , attacked his little sister. Malika Yazid was playing in the courtyard of the Groux transit housing estate where she lived in Fresnes. She went up to the apartment to warn her brother. The gendarmes burst into the apartment.

One of them, after having given a slap to Malika, locked himself with her in a room for an “interrogation”". A quarter of an hour later, Malika left the room and collapsed on the floor. She died four days later at the Salpétrière Hospital without coming out of her coma.”

These are the 11 lines I devoted to little Malika, slapped to death at the age of eight by a gendarme, in that terrible summer of 1973, the hardest sequence of the two decades of Arabicides that I reconstructed in my book bearing that name and published in 1992. This book had been an obvious choice, made during the work on the previous one, Têtes de Turcs en France, published in 1989, which had been quite successful (more than 25,000 copies sold, at that time people still read books printed on paper).

It was painfully obvious: it was impossible to devote a single chapter of Têtes de Turcs (each chapter of which described an example of French-style apartheid in work, health, school, housing, etc.) to what were then called “racist crimes”. There had been too many of them. So I decided to devote a separate book to it.

For two years, the living room of my slum in Ménilmontant was blocked by a long board on two chairs, on which yellow folders were piled up by case and by year. In short, a material prelude (wood, ink, paper) to the Excel tables of the near future.

In the end, I had 350 over 21 years, or 16.6 per year, 1.3 per month. A trifle compared to the Negricides in the USA. But for God's sake, we were not in yankeelandia, we  were in the cradle of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, all men are born free and equal in rights etc. etc., which we had just celebrated with great pomp on the Champs-Élysées with Jean-Paul Goude's parade for the Bicentennial of the Great Revolution!

I confess that during these two years of intense investigative work, I was more than once threatened/overcome? by depression and the wish to take flight, perhaps not to the moon, but in any case far from Madame la France, as the Maghrebians used to say (in reference to the 100 franc bill bearing the effigy of the half-undressed Liberty Guiding the People).

The most trying moments were the trials, where poor Arab families experienced a second death, inflicted by the brows of the rotters : judges, prosecutors, defense lawyers and defendants mano en mano , and jurors - when it was in assizes (criminal courts) - totally dumbfounded and mute. I never heard a single juror say a single word during a three-day trial. It makes you wonder what these “people” juries are for.

 Malika's family didn't have to go through that: the case was closed quickly. But they were spared nothing else. Jennifer Malika Fatima is one of the only two survivors of the family, decimated by hogra [despisal], drugs, delinquency, and behind it all, transit. The transit estate of The Groux, in Fresnes, a stone's throw from the prison (“convenient”, says her uncle Nacer, the only other survivor, who had a taste of it), a temporary situation that lasted forever.

Abandoned to her fate with her grandmother after her mother's suicide, Jennifer Malika Fatima was placed in a pure Gallic foster family at 18 months. She would stay there for 30 years and eventually escape her fate after having come close to all the usual dangers that await the children of racized  dangerous classes.

And now, on April 7, her book is coming out! A real event! I don't want to spoil it, but just to say this: this book is the best realization I know of to date of the wish I had formulated for myself when my own book Arabicides came out.

I was not satisfied with the final result of my work, I was dreaming of Truman Capote's In Cold Blood, who had worked on and with two young murderers on death row for years and produced a masterpiece. And I would have liked to dig  up some arabicides and their relatives, but I couldn't find any.

Face it, I wasn't Truman Capote, La Découverte wasn't a big New York publisher that could pay detectives; I was just an obscure Italian “islamoleftist” journalist before the term was invented (“Ah! You speak French very well” – “You said it, bastard, French is our war loot ”), published by a publishing house with a glorious past (François Maspero) but with a critical present (it was later bought by a multinational company). In short, I told myself that my work was a minimum service to render to the future generations who would wonder about this history and would want to dig up into.

Thirty to fifty years later, this is exactly what is happening. It is always the third generation that digs the past out of oblivion: this is true for the Armenians, the Jews of Europe, and all the others. It is the generation of grandchildren of the victims of massive state crimes, concentrated or diluted, who bring collective traumatic experiences to life and pass them on to the next one.

Jennifer Malika Fatima's book is, to my knowledge, the first of its kind, built on the memories, conversations, and incredible archives carefully preserved and classified by her grandmother, an (allegedly) illiterate Kabyle.

Her’s is not an academically formatted doctoral dissertation that is generally unreadable to the average person, if it is even accessible to them at all. It's a punch you take in the gut. As soon as I got it, I swallowed it whole and finished it in two hours. Then I groggily retreated into a rumination for a few weeks. Time to digest. This is the result of my digestion as I promised myself to publish this unconventional review for the book's release on April 7.

The book, for which Jennifer Malika Fatima was supported in a sororal/fraternal and respectful way by the writer Asya Djoulaït for the formatting of the manuscript and by the historian Sami Ouchane for the presentation of the documents drawn from the archives - who did not try to impose an academic formatting on her -, has beautiful afterwordby dear Rachida Brahim, another little shining star of the generations to come to whom I had said to myself that my book would find its way. The book has benefited from a careful, exemplary edition by a young feminist publishing house in Marseille, Hors d'atteinte [Out of reach], which I discovered with delight, and whose catalogue has upset my salivary glands, to the point that, tomorrow, I have an appointment with my dentist for the removal of an oral mucocele (explanations on the web).

Bravo, ladies, you have cured me of any temptation to condescend. I believe that we are part of the same species: that of humans who do not know what they are talking about when they say: pensions. I will end with this sentence from Nietzsche that concluded my book: “The man of long memory is the man of the future". Man, of course, in the sense of Mensch, human, in German, Yiddish, and New Yorkish.

So don't hesitate and rush to your local bookstore (forget Amazonzon*, please!) and order the book if you can read French  (it is distributed by Harmonia Mundi). If not, you will have to wait for an English version. We work on it. Any publisher interested can write to tlaxint[at]gmail.com.


Paper 15€ - E-book 11,99

Note
*Zonzon is an old French word meaning buzzing, but in French slang it means jail (by apheresis of prison) as a substantive, and crazy as an adjective. And indeed Jeff Bezos’ empire is a buzzing prison.

 

27/03/2023

NEW YORK : DEMONSTRATE SOLIDARITY WITH WORKERS IN FRANCE/MANIFESTONS NOTRE SOLIDARITÉ AVEC LES TRAVAILLEUR·SES EN FRANCE


 

Millions of workers throughout France have taken to the streets since Jan. 19 to protest the Macron's government edict to raise the age of retirees to receive their just pensions (aka deferred wages) from 62 to 64. These two years alone result in more workers' stolen wages (aka surplus value) by greedy capitalist bosses and their government puppets like Macron. These heroic workers and their allies, including students, have participated in strikes, mass demonstrations and other militant actions despite growing police repression.

No matter how many thousands miles away, these workers remind us that there are no borders in the workers' struggle when it comes to resisting capitalist exploitation and greed from France to right here in the belly of the beast -- the U.S.

Join Workers World Party to help show solidarity with the workers in France who have taken center stage worldwide.

Tuesday, March 28 (the day that French unions are calling for another massive protest)

1:30-2:30 PM

Outside of the French Mission to the United Nations

245 E 47th St 44th floor, New York, NY 10017
(One Dag Hammarskjöld Plaza)

Bring your signs and banners to be shared on social media with the workers of France.

An injury to one is an injury to all!
French Unions, YES! Macron, NO!


 

 

Des millions de travailleur·ses dans toute la France sont descendus dans la rue depuis le 19 janvier pour protester contre l’édit du gouvernement Macron visant à faire passer de 62 à 64 ans l'âge auquel les retraités peuvent toucher leur juste pension (alias salaire différé).  Ces deux années à elles seules se traduisent par davantage de salaires volés aux travailleurs (alias survaleur) par les patrons capitalistes avides et leurs marionnettes gouvernementales comme Macron.  Ces travailleur·ses héroïques et leurs allié·es, y compris les étudiant·es, ont participé à des grèves, des manifestations de masse et d'autres actions militantes malgré la répression policière croissante.

Peu importe les milliers de kilomètres qui les séparent, ces travailleur·ses nous rappellent qu'il n'y a pas de frontières dans la lutte des travailleur·ses lorsqu'il s'agit de résister à l'exploitation capitaliste et à la cupidité, de la France jusqu'à ici, dans le ventre de la bête, les USA.

Rejoignez le Workers World Party/Parti mondial des travailleurs pour montrer votre solidarité avec les travailleur·ses français·es qui ont pris le devant de la scène dans le monde entier.

Mardi 28 mars (jour où les syndicats français appellent à une nouvelle manifestation massive)

13H30-14H30

Devant la Mission française auprès des Nations Unies

245 E 47th St 44th floor, New York, NY 10017
(One Dag Hammarskjöld Plaza)

Apportez vos pancartes et bannières à partager sur les médias sociaux avec les travailleur·ses de France.

Une attaque contre un·e est une attaque contre tou·tes !

 Syndicats français, OUI !  Macron, NON !

 



11/01/2022

SURVIE
We request a hearing of French Admiral Lanxade on Paul Barril's role in the genocide in Rwanda

 

Survie , 10/1/2022
Translated by
Fausto Giudice, Tlaxcala

In May 1994, during the Tutsi genocide, the mercenary Paul Barril, a former Élysée gendarme, went with his men through the Istres air force base to Rwanda to provide assistance to the genocidal government. The association Survie asks for a hearing of Admiral Lanxade, chief of defense of the French Armed Forces at the time, to shed light on this affair.

In May 1994, when the Tutsi genocide had been underway for more than a month, Paul Barril went to Rwanda with several mercenaries [1] to provide assistance to the Rwandan Interim Government (GIR). This service, which consisted of collecting intelligence, providing military training to the government forces (FAR) and participating in military operations, was made official afterwards by a contract signed on 28 May 1994 between Paul Barril and the Prime Minister of the GIR [2].

The judicial investigation opened against Paul Barril shows that in order to travel to Rwanda in a Falcon with his men, the former Élysée gendarme made a stopover at Istres [3], a French air force base.

This revelation raises crucial questions for the highest military and political authorities, as François Crétollier, Survie's spokesperson, points out: “What authorisation did Paul Barril receive to land on an army base when he went to lend a hand to the genocidaires? How did the French authorities react to this passage of mercenaries through a military base? This passage through Istres establishes that it is impossible to believe that the mercenaries in Rwanda acted in a private capacity, without the knowledge and approval of the French authorities [4]. And above all, a fundamental question remains: why did Paul Barril stop in Istres?”

The Istres air base (BA125 Istres-Le Tubé) has the particularity of hosting a Dassault Flight Test Centre (CEV), which has all the technological and human means to carry out measurements, configure and analyse the electronic equipment of an aircraft. Is this stopover of Paul Barril on 9 May to go to Kigali [5] to be brought together with the discovery a few days later in the Rwandan capital of a tampered Air France Concorde black box [6]?

It is for these reasons that Survie, the civil party, has asked the investigating judge [7] to hear Admiral Lanxade, Chief of Defense of the armed forces at the time of the events, under President François Mitterrand.

Contact: Mehdi Derradji: +33 6 52 21 15 61

Notes

[1] In May 1994, Paul Barril left for Rwanda with two members of the Habyarimana family (Léon Habyarimana and Alphonse Ntirivamunda) and his men (Marc Poussard and four others who remained on site: Luc Dupriez, Christophe Meynard, Jean-Marc Souren, Franck Appieto). A Falcon plane was reserved on 6 May. The departure took place on 9 May from Le Bourget. The plane made a short stopover at the Istres base. The plane arrived in Bangui on 9 May, then left on 11 May for Goma. On 11 May, the passengers went to Rwanda, to Gisenyi, then Kigali.

[2] Jean Kambanda, sentenced to life in prison for genocide by the ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda).

[3] While the civilian airport of Marignane is in the immediate vicinity, just on the other side of the Berre Lagoon. It is at Marignane that a technical stopover for a private plane should have taken place - assuming it was required.

[4] On the contrary, this passage through an army base echoes General Quesnot's proposed indirect strategy, and the Huchon-Rwabalinda meetings (see “Le crapuleux destin de Robert-Bernard Martin : Bob Denard et le Rwanda”, rapport de l’association Survie, February 2018, p.25).

[5] At a time when no one else was going to Rwanda.

[6] A black box was found on 27 May by the Blue Helmets in Kigali, abandoned near the site of the crash of Habyarimana's plane - even though access to this site had been forbidden by the FAR until 21 May. It was established that it was in fact a black box (voice recorder) from an Air France Concorde. It contains a montage of excerpts of conversations between the control tower and an aircraft on the tarmac in Kigali. This black box “deposited in the grass in Kigali after the attack of 6 April 1994, while the city was on fire and blood” raises many questions, the answer to which - as the journalist Patrick de St Exupéry indicates in the conclusion of his article – “lies in one place, only one: Paris.” (cf. « Le prétendu mystère de la boîte noire du génocide rwandais »,  Patrick de St Exupéry, Le Monde, 9 April 2009)

[7] Paul Barril has been the subject of a judicial inquiry for eight years on charges of complicity in genocide, following a complaint in 2013 by Survie, the French Human Rights League and the International Federation for Human Rights. Despite the multiple proofs of the support given by Paul Barril and his men to the genocidal regime, Paul Barril has never been indicted. Today, severely affected by Parkinson's disease, the chances of seeing him answer for his actions before the courts are diminishing. Nearly 28 years after the genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda, many grey areas remain regarding the use of mercenaries by French decision-makers at the time.