Werner Rügemer, Nachdenkseiten, 21/7/2022
Translated by Lena Bloch
Ukraine
 is corrupt — we know, doesn’t matter, it’s for the good cause. But the 
poorest and sickest population, country as a hub of Europe-wide low-wage
 and cigarette smuggling, world leader in trafficking of the female body
 — and more soldiers than any European NATO state.
When
 a statutory minimum wage was first introduced in Ukraine, in 2015, it 
was 0.34 euros, or 34 cents per hour. After that, it was increased: in 
2017 it was 68 cents, in 2019 it was 10 cents more, which is still 78 
cents, and since 2021 it has been 1.21 euros. Ever heard of it?
 Even this lowest wage is not always paid
Of
 course, this doesn’t mean that this minimum wage is actually paid 
correctly in this state. Thus, for a full work week in 2017, the monthly
 minimum wage was 96 euros. But in the textile and leather industry, for
 example, this minimum wage for one-third of the mostly female workforce
 only came about through forced and not specifically paid overtime. 
Payment by the piece is also widespread — a certain number of shirts 
must be sewn in one hour; if this does not work out, unpaid reworking is
 required.
If
 there were no orders, unpaid leave was ordered. In many cases, the 
annual vacation due by law was not granted or not paid. Management 
prevented the election of employee representatives. With this minimum 
wage, people were far below the official subsistence level: It amounted 
to 166 euros in the year in question.
The Hunger Wage Chain from Ukraine to Neighboring EU Countries
There
 are about 2,800 officially registered textile companies, but also a 
presumably equally high number of unregistered small businesses. For 
decades, they have formed a normal shadow economy, often in small towns 
and villages.
Yet
 most of these companies rank only as second-class suppliers for the 
internationally better-connected low-cost producers in neighboring EU 
countries, especially in Poland, but also in Romania and Hungary.
Thus
 41 percent of the shoes go as starvation-wage semi-finished goods from 
Ukraine first to the low-wage factories of Romania, Hungary and Italy: 
There they get the benign and beautiful label “Made in EU”.
 Textile workers themselves can only afford second-hand imports from GermanyThe
 majority of the approximately 220,000 textile workers are older women. 
They keep their heads above water only by subsistence farming, for 
example by having their own garden with a chicken coop. Diseases due to 
malnutrition are common.
The
 textile workers mostly buy their own clothes from second-hand imports, 
which come mainly from Germany, Poland, Belgium, Switzerland and the 
USA. Ukraine imports much more textiles than it exports.
The
 expensive Boss and Esprit imports from the rich EU West, which are 
pre-produced in Ukraine, are destined for the rich elite and the NGO 
bubble in Kiev — while the majority of imports are the cheapest 
second-hand textiles. The textile workers, as well as the majority of 
the population, can only afford the almost free disposable textiles from
 the rich states.[1]
But
 Western unions and “human rights activists” still look to Asia and 
Bangladesh for low-wage jobs in the textile industry that violate human 
rights. Although low wages in Ukraine are much lower. Also in the 
current discussions in the EU and in the German Bundestag about a supply
 chain law: There the view goes far out, globally, to Asia, while the 
EU-Ukrainian poverty chain is denied.
Here
 it sits, the corruption: C&A, Hugo Boss, Adidas, Marks&Spencer,
 New Balance, Esprit, Zara, Mexx are the profiting end users. They live 
from the exploitation which is against human rights. Here in the rich EU
 states sit the main players of corruption. Clammily they gleefully 
welcome the non-existent or complicit labor inspectorate of the 
Ukrainian state, and the EU covers the systemic labor injustice as well,
 with ritual hypocritical and inconsequential admonition of corruption 
in Ukraine.[2]
Automotive suppliers, pharmaceuticals, mechanical engineering
The
 textile and leather industries are similar to other sectors. Ukraine 
was a focal point of industrial production in the Soviet Union. After 
independence in 1991, oligarchs took over the companies, made profits, 
and put nothing into innovation. For Western companies, millions of 
well-qualified employees were available — at low wages.
Thousands
 of companies, mainly from the USA and EU countries — about 2,000 from 
Germany alone — placed subcontracting orders for rather simple parts: 
Porsche, VW, BMW, Schaeffler, Bosch and Leoni, for example, for car 
cables; pharmaceutical groups such as Bayer, BASF, Henkel, Ratiopharm 
and Wella have their products filled and packaged; Arcelor Mittal, 
Siemens, Demag, Vaillant, Viessmann maintain assembly and sales 
branches. Wages of two to three euros are paid here, i.e. more than the 
minimum wage, but still lower than in the neighboring EU countries of 
Hungary, Poland and Romania.
This
 is why the Ukrainian sites are closely networked with the sites of the 
same companies in these neighboring EU countries, where the statutory 
minimum wages are above 3 euros and below 4 euros. However, the 
networking is just as valid with the even poorer neighboring states of 
Moldova, Georgia and Armenia, which are not EU members. Branches are 
also operated here. In the course of the “Eastern Neighborhood”, 
organized by the EU, all differences of qualification, even lower 
payment are exploited — with Ukraine as a revolving door.
Labor migration in millions
This
 selective exploitation of locational advantages by Western capitalists 
has not led to national economic development, on the contrary. Ukraine 
became economically impoverished. The majority of the population has 
been made poorer and sicker. A mass reaction is labor migration.
It
 began early on. By the late 1990s, several hundred thousand Ukrainians 
had emigrated to Russia. Wages were not much higher, but in Russia 
excessive Westernization of lifestyles and increases in the cost of 
living for food, rent, health and government fees do not stick.
Since
 the 2000s, and accelerated by the aftermath of the 2014 Maidan coup, 
some 5 million Ukrainians have been migrant workers — about two million 
more or less permanently abroad, and about three million commuting to 
neighboring states. In particular, the Polish state, which in any case 
lays claim to western parts of Ukraine, encourages labor migration from 
Ukraine. About two million Ukrainians are employed in Poland, mainly in 
low-skilled jobs as cleaners, domestic helpers, waiters, caretakers for 
the elderly, and truck drivers. [3] In Poland, the business of 
employment agencies is also flourishing: they declare Ukrainians to be 
Polish citizens and place them as home care workers in Germany and 
Switzerland, for example: they pay the minimum wage there for a 40-hour 
week, but in reality the care workers have to be on call 24 hours a day,
 according to the contract with the Polish agency.
Hundreds
 of thousands of Ukrainians are also employed on a permanent basis, on a
 temporary basis or shuttling back and forth in Romania, Hungary, 
Slovakia and the Czech Republic, with minimum wages between 3.10 euros 
and 3.76 euros. Ukrainians are happy about this, even if they are pushed
 a bit below these minimum wages — it is still much better than in their
 home country, and the labor inspectorate says nothing and the EU says 
nothing either.
Students
 from Ukraine like to be engaged seasonal workers in EU agriculture. In 
Lower Saxony alone, there are about 7,000 students annually, who 
admittedly do not necessarily study, but enter with forged matriculation
 papers. Neither in Ukraine nor in Germany is there any control, as a 
study by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation found.[4]
Minimum
 wage in Lithuania: in 2015 it was 1.82 euros, five times higher than in
 Ukraine at the time; in 2020 it was 3.72 euros. The EU is promoting the
 development of Lithuania into a European freight forwarding center: 
with the help of artificial intelligence, cheap and willing truck 
drivers from third countries such as Ukraine and Moldova, but also from 
further afield such as the Philippines, are steered across Europe. They 
don’t need to learn any language; they receive their instructions via 
smartphone and navigator. For example, with the start of the war in 
Ukraine, trucking companies in Lithuania and Poland were suddenly short 
of over 100,000 truck drivers — from Ukraine, they were not allowed to 
leave because of military service.[5]
Women’s Poverty I: Forbidden Prostitution Flourishes
The
 patriarchal oligarch state of Ukraine has extremely deepened the 
inequality between men and women. With a 32 percent gender pay gap, 
Ukrainian women are in the very last place in Europe: on average, they 
receive one-third less pay than their male counterparts, and in the 
field of finance and insurance the figure is as high as 40 percent for 
the same work[6] — the EU average is 14 percent. Because of patriarchal 
stereotypes, women are also particularly often pushed into precarious 
part-time jobs, even more so than in Merkel’s Germany, which ranks 
second to last among EU countries in terms of discrimination against 
women.
This
 patriarchal poverty of women includes the prohibition of prostitution, 
which, however, particularly flourishes under these very conditions. 
Primary school teachers, who cannot get by on their 120 euros a month, 
are also among the estimated 180,000 women who work as prostitutes in 
Ukraine, divorced single women with children, the unemployed.
Because
 prostitution is forbidden, brothel operators earn money, as do police 
officers and cab drivers, because they have a good income through 
silence. Private apartments are also used, like the brothels in prime 
locations in the capital Kiev. Tourists are lured in — with 80 euros 
they are in. Eight services per night — not uncommon. A little less than
 half of the income remains with the women. Some hope for a transitional
 period of one, two or even three years. Often in vain. One-third become
 drug addicts, one-third are HIV-positive.[7]
After
 the “liberalization” of sexual services by the federal government of 
Schröder/SPD and Fischer/Greens, Germany became the “brothel of Europe”.
 The federally owned development agency GTZ advertised in its “Germany 
Travel Guide for Women” for Ukrainian women who now had good prospects 
in the sex business. Many came. Merkel’s Germany became the European 
center for commercial prostitution, the majority of which was also 
illegal and tolerated by the authorities — favorable conditions for 
women who did not come from an EU member state. So it stands to reason 
that pimps are now trying to recruit fleeing Ukrainian women already at 
the border in 2022.[8]
 Women’s Poverty II: The Female Body as Exploitation MaterialUkraine
 is a pleasing location for Western companies to engage in practices 
that are otherwise forbidden, a thousandfold site for U.S.-led 
globalization. This is also true for the commercial use of the female 
body, far beyond illegal prostitution.
Ukraine
 is the global hot spot for industrial surrogacy, with more extensive 
“liberalization” than otherwise. Widespread female poverty provides an 
inexhaustible reservoir.
Vittoria
 Vita, La Vita Nova, Delivering Dreams or more prosaically BioTech — 
these are the names under which surrogacy agencies in Kiev and Kharkiv 
advertise their services and their women. Pretty, healthy Ukrainian 
women are offered in catalogs for wealthy foreigners. Between 39,900 and
 64,900 euros are the prices for a healthy delivered baby. The wish 
child tourists come from the USA, Canada, Western Europe, and China.[9].
The
 intended parents couple delivers egg and sperm in one of the dozens of 
special clinics. They are fertilized in a test tube. Then the foreign 
embryo is implanted in the surrogate mother. The surrogate mother 
carries a genetically foreign child. This was developed in the USA, but 
it is much more expensive there: between 110,000 and 240,000 euros. In 
Ukraine it is less regulated. The woman carrying the child must not have
 anything to do genetically with the child, she is just a foreign tool 
that is to be forgotten immediately after use, no longer exists at all —
 and is ready for the next use for a completely different foreign 
couple.
The
 prices differ depending on whether the intended parents want a specific
 gender for their ordered baby or not: without a choice of gender, it 
costs 39,900 euros at BioTech, with two attempts at the desired gender 
it costs 49,900 euros, and with unlimited attempts it costs 64,900 
euros. These offers include hotel accommodation, issuance of birth 
certificate and passport in the German consulate. So far, more than 
10,000 such babies have been delivered worldwide.
The
 surrogate mother — a surrogate mother company bears the appropriate 
name: Surrogacy Ukraine — receives a monthly bonus of between 300 and 
400 euros during pregnancy; after successful delivery of the product, 
the bonus is increased to 15,000 euros. If there is a miscarriage, the 
child is disabled or its adoption is refused, the surrogate mothers get 
nothing. Their psychological condition is not taken into account, and 
there is no social security against damage to their health. There are no
 studies on the long-term consequences.
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