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08/05/2021

The “Great Reset” is not a conspiracy theory, but a reality

The "Great Reset" is dismissed by the public as a conspiracy theory. But it is not. It is a global agenda driven by the World Economic Forum.

avtor   German original


Accusations are emerging in various media that the "Great Reset" initiative is a conspiracy narrative that contradicts reality. But on June 3, 2020, the World Economic Forum (WEF) had issued a press release titled "The Great Reset: A Unique Twin Summit at the Start of 2021."

The World Economic Forum's release can be read here


Klaus Schwab, the World Economic Forum and the IMF

WEF founder Klaus Schwab and Thierry Malleret, who serves as senior director of the WEF's Global Risk Network, have published a book titled "Covid-19: The Great Reset" about six months after the start of the 2020 Corona pandemic. The release date of the book is July 9, 2020.

In their book, they write, among other things:

"Because of the high degree of interdependence and interconnectedness of today's economies, industries, and businesses, comparable to the dynamics with which macro categories are interconnected, each link in the chain can quickly trigger a domino effect on the others in a wide variety of ways. Let's look at restaurants as an example. This industry was hit by the pandemic on such a dramatic scale that it is not even certain how the restaurant industry will ever fully recover. One restaurant operator put it this way: 'Like hundreds of other chefs in the city and thousands across the country, I now face the big question of what our restaurants, our careers, our lives might look like if we ever get them back at all.' In France and the United Kingdom, several industry experts estimate that up to 75 percent of independent restaurants may not survive the lockdowns and subsequent social distancing. Surviving, on the other hand, will be the large chains and fast-food giants. This suggests that large companies will get bigger while the smallest shrink or disappear altogether."

"Micro-upheaval will force every company in every industry to try new ways of doing business and operating. Those who give in to the temptation to return to the old way of working will fail. All those, on the other hand, who adapt with flexibility and imagination will eventually use the Covid 19 crisis to their advantage."

"The reduction in soc. contacts in response to Corona and the physical standoff measures imposed during the curfew will also help e-commerce emerge as an increasingly strong industry trend. Consumers need products, and if they can't shop, they will inevitably move to buying them online. And then it becomes a habit. People who have never shopped online before will become friends with it, while casual online shoppers will now move to it more and more. That became clear during the lockdown."

"As Henry Kissinger noted: 'The cohesion and economic success of countries is based on the belief that their institutions can anticipate disasters, stop their effects, and restore stability.' When the Covid 19 pandemic is over, the institutions of many countries will be branded as failures.' This is especially true for some rich countries with state-of-the-art health systems and sophisticated research, science, and innovation, whose citizens will wonder why their country's public sector performed so poorly compared to others. In these countries, the very fabric of their social fabric and socioeconomic system may come out and be denounced as the 'real' culprit that has failed to provide economic and social well-being for the majority of citizens."

 

IMF chief Kristalina Georgieva, at the end of a memo on the "Great Reset," states, "Let me conclude with an example from the past. William Beveridge, in the midst of World War II, submitted his famous report in 1942 projecting how Britain should address what he called the 'five giant evils.' That famous 'Beveridge Report' led to a better country after the war - including the creation of the National Health Service, which saves so many lives in Britain today. It was also at this time that my institution, the IMF, was founded - at the Bretton Woods Conference. So now is the time to turn the page - and use all the power we have. In the case of the IMF, we have a financial capacity of a trillion dollars and a huge political commitment. This is the moment to decide that history will look back on this as a 'Great Reset' and not a 'Great Reversal.' And I want to say - loud and clear - that the best memorial we can build for those who lost their lives in the pandemic is to create a world that is greener, smarter and more just."

Der „Great Reset“ ist keine Verschwörungstheorie, sondern eine Realität

Der „Great Reset“ wird in der Öffentlichkeit als Verschwörungstheorie abgetan. Doch das stimmt nicht. Es handelt sich dabei um eine globale Agenda, die vom Weltwirtschaftsforum vorangetrieben wird.

avtor

América Latina: sin “empresarios schumpeterianos ”

 

En América Latina, los tres siglos coloniales afirmaron economías primario-exportadoras sustentadas en sistemas de acumulación beneficiosos para los “blancos” propietarios, pero explotadores sobre la enorme población de trabajadores urbanos, mineros o rurales. Las independencias, si bien lograron la ruptura del coloniaje, no trajeron las idealizadas repúblicas democráticas con las que soñaban muchos de los patriotas independentistas. Durante el siglo XIX se conformaron los diversos Estados nacionales latinoamericanos, sin alterar la matriz económica primario-exportadora, que se afirmó con nuevos productos y las ventajas comparativas aprovechadas en los mercados de los países capitalistas centrales. La base generalizada fueron las haciendas y plantaciones, que aseguraron la riqueza de las clases terratenientes, vinculadas con comerciantes y banqueros. En América Latina no ocurrió la revolución industrial, de modo que las primeras manufacturas de fines del siglo XIX, gracias a capitalistas inmigrantes o incipientes burguesías criollas en grandes países como Argentina, Brasil o México, no aparecen sino con el avance del siglo XX y en forma aislada en otros países de mediano impulso capitalista (Chile, Colombia, Perú), pero son absolutamente tardías en el resto de la región, como ocurrió con los países centroamericanos o como Bolivia y Ecuador en el sur, que hasta inicios de la década de 1960 eran los más atrasados y con estructuras precapitalistas dominantes.

A las condiciones económicas republicanas acompañaron regímenes oligárquicos. En consecuencia, durante un siglo y medio, las agudas desigualdades sociales, que tuvieron como punto de partida el coloniaje y que las repúblicas oligárquicas no solucionaron, han sido una pesada carga histórica en toda la región. Los Estados no podían menos que reflejar esas realidades estructurales, por lo cual la misma democracia permaneció cercada por las clases dominantes del poder económico, que también controlaban los ejes del poder político.

Lentamente desde las décadas de 1920 y 1930, en forma más generalizada desde mediados del siglo XX, pero bajo un acelerado proceso a partir de las dos décadas finales del mismo siglo, en América Latina se han acumulado fuerzas sociales que ahora demandan economías de beneficio colectivo, mejoramiento constante de las condiciones de vida y de trabajo, equidad social con redistribución de la riqueza y Estados realmente democráticos. Ciertamente que en todo ello ha tenido que ver la definitiva modernización capitalista de la región; pero, además, la creciente conciencia entre las diversificadas capas sociales, por un cambio de rumbos en cada país.

Esa conciencia renovadora ha surgido al mismo tiempo que se afirmaron en la región las economías neoliberales. Supuestamente el empresariado privado y el mercado libre traerían esa felicidad y ese bienestar anhelados por la amplia sociedad en cada país latinoamericano. Todos los datos históricos y económicos comprueban que eso no ocurrió. Las explicaciones del fracaso neoliberal son múltiples, pero hay una que merece particular atención: el tipo de “elites empresariales” que tiene América Latina.

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Compensation paid to slave owners by France in the 19th century made public

A team of researchers from the CNRS has published the list of beneficiaries of the compensation decided by the Second Republic following the abolition of slavery in 1848.

By Coumba Kane and Julien Bouissou, Le Monde, 8/5/2021

Translated by Fausto Giudice

 

At the ACTe Memorial, or Caribbean Centre of Expression and Memory of the Slave Trade and Slavery, in Pointe-à-Pitre, Guadeloupe, in 2015. NICOLAS DERNE / AFP

One hundred and fifty-three years after the definitive abolition of slavery in France on 27 April 1848, a team of researchers from the National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS) put online on Friday 7 May, as part of the "Repairs" project, a database detailing the compensation paid by the French State to slave owners . This information provides a better understanding of the slave society of the time and allows us to trace the origin of investments that gave rise to entrepreneurial dynasties or companies that still exist today.

Contrary to popular belief, the 10,000 slave owners who received compensation of 126 million gold francs (1.3% of national income, the equivalent of 27 billion euros today) from 1849 onwards were not all white settlers. The abolition law of 27 April 1848 is the source of a semantic confusion," explains Myriam Cottias, a researcher at the CNRS who heads the "Repairs" research project. It states that the "colonists", i.e. whites, must be compensated, whereas it is the slave owners, some of whom are coloured, who receive the compensation."

Les compensations versées aux propriétaires d’esclaves par la France au XIXe siècle rendues publiques

Une équipe de chercheurs du CNRS a publié la liste des bénéficiaires des indemnisations décidées par la IIe République à la suite de l’abolition de l’esclavage de 1848.

Par Coumba Kane et Julien Bouissou, Le Monde, 8/5/2021

Au Mémorial ACTe, ou Centre caribéen d’expressions et de mémoire de la traite et de l’esclavage, à Pointe-à-Pitre, en Guadeloupe, en 2015. NICOLAS DERNE / AFP

Cent cinquante-trois ans après l’abolition définitive de l’esclavage en France, le 27 avril 1848, une équipe de chercheurs du Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS) a mis en ligne, vendredi 7 mai, dans le cadre du projet « Repairs », une base de données détaillant les indemnités versées par l’Etat français aux propriétaires d’esclaves. Des informations qui permettent de mieux comprendre la société esclavagiste de l’époque et de retracer l’origine d’investissements qui ont donné naissance à des dynasties entrepreneuriales ou des entreprises qui existent encore aujourd’hui.

Contrairement aux idées reçues, les 10 000 propriétaires d’esclaves qui ont reçu à partir de 1849 des indemnités de 126 millions de francs or (1,3 % du revenu national, soit l’équivalent de 27 milliards d’euros d’aujourd’hui) n’étaient pas tous des colons blancs. « La loi d’abolition du 27 avril 1848 est à l’origine d’une confusion sémantique, explique Myriam Cottias, chercheuse au CNRS à la tête du projet de recherche “Repairs”. On peut y lire que les “colons”, c’est-à-dire des Blancs, doivent être indemnisés, alors que ce sont les propriétaires d’esclaves, dont certains sont de couleur, qui reçoivent les indemnités. »

Pepe Escobar: Brave new cancel culture world

 Asia Times, 30/4/2021

Version française Versão portuguesa Versione italiana

If we need a date when the West started to go seriously wrong, let’s start with Rome in the early 5th century  

In 2020, we saw the enshrinement of techno-feudalism – one of the overarching themes of my latest book, Raging Twenties.

In lightning speed, the techno-feudalism virus is metastasizing into an even more lethal, wilderness of mirrors variant, where cancel culture is enforced by Big Tech all across the spectrum, science is routinely debased as fake news in social media, and the average citizen is discombobulated to the point of lobotomy.

Giorgio Agamben has defined it as a new totalitarianism.

Top political analyst Alastair Crooke has attempted a sharp breakdown of the broader configuration.

Geopoliticallly, the Hegemon would even resort to 5G war to maintain its primacy, while seeking moral legitimization via the woke revolution, duly exported to its Western satrapies.

The woke revolution is a culture war – in symbiosis with Big Tech and Big Business – that has smashed the real thing: class war. The atomized working classes, struggling to barely survive, have been left to wallow in anomie.

The great panacea, actually the ultimate “opportunity” offered by Covid-19, is the Great Reset advanced by Herr Schwab of Davos: essentially the replacement of a dwindling manufacturing base by automation, in tandem with a reset of the financial system.

The concomitant wishful thinking envisages a world economy that will “move closer to a cleaner capitalist model”. One of its features is a delightfully benign Council for Inclusive Capitalism in partnership with the Catholic Church.

As much as the pandemic – the “opportunity” for the Reset – was somewhat rehearsed by Event 201 in October 2019, additional strategies are already in place for the next steps, such as Cyber Polygon, which warns against the “key risks of digitalization”. Don’t miss their “technical exercise” on July 9th, when “participants will hone their practical skills in mitigating a targeted supply chain attack on a corporate ecosystem in real time.”

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Pepe Escobar: An empire in love with its Afghan cemetery


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 The New Great Game 3.0 is just beginning with a hat tip to Tacitus and dancing to the Hindu Kush groove 

One cannot but feel mildly amused at the theatrical spectacle of the US troop pullout from Afghanistan, its completion day now postponed for maximum PR impact to 9/11, 2021.

Nearly two decades and a staggering US$2 trillion after this Forever War was launched by a now immensely indebted empire, the debacle can certainly be interpreted as a warped version of Mission Accomplished.

“They make a desert and call it peace,” said Tacitus – but in all of the vastness of the Pentagon there sits not a single flack who could imagine getting away with baldfacedly spinning the Afghan wasteland as peaceful.

Even the UN bureaucratic machinery has not been able to properly account for Afghan civilian deaths; at best they settled for 100,000 in only ten years. Add to that toll countless “collateral” deaths provoked by the massive social and economic consequences of the war. 

Training and weaponizing the – largely inefficient – 300,000-plus Afghan Army cost $87 billion. “Economic aid and reconstruction” cost $54 billion: literally invisible hospitals and schools dot the Afghan landscape. A local chapter of the “war on drugs” cost $10 billion – at least with (inverted) tangible results: Afghanistan now generates 80% of the world’s opium. 

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